And is pretty much the unanimous choice of whites that never got to high school.
Latino Support for Trump on Rise
- Thread starter EagleSmack
- Start date
This just in.
The human vote for Trump also down.
He does have support from a small cluster of a$$holes though.
Hmm.......Who does that remind us of?
By the time Trudeau is done, Harper will be fondly recalled as likely one of the best PM's we've ever had.
JMHO
Well I suppose it's much like Muslims; if one is not specific, then everyone assumes the whole is included.
I'm thinking that most/many Latino's despise drugs and the drug cartels just like most/many Muslims despise ISIL. So, remember guys (oh and girls) ....be specific 'cuz otherwise you're branded "racist" or misogynists et al.
Just sayin....
While I despise both of them, the only poll that will really count is the final one tomorrow. It'll be interesting that's for sure. Personally, I'd likely spoil my ballot as I dislike both of them!
People are strange, if ever a Canadian running for office stands at a podium yelling that a segment of my culture are 'criminals, rapists, killers.... blame crimes on my culture, after I would recover from the shock, I can tell you without any doubt 'at all' that I would not be voting for the fool.
Well, yeah. When you make categorical statements about people, folk tend to think you're speaking about everyone in the group you're talking about. For example, if you say "Readheads are stupid and hotheaded," folk're gonna pretty much think you mean all redheads.
It's called "the English language."
"Spanish was the first European language spoken in this country."
"And people sometimes forget – and some may not even know – that the Hispanic community has been part of our country since the Spanish arrived in St. Augustine in 1565. That was well before the British landed in North America,"
Tim Kaine is right, Spanish was first European language spoken in United States | PolitiFact
"And people sometimes forget – and some may not even know – that the Hispanic community has been part of our country since the Spanish arrived in St. Augustine in 1565. That was well before the British landed in North America,"
Tim Kaine is right, Spanish was first European language spoken in United States | PolitiFact
LATINO VOTERS SHOW TRUMP WHAT IT MEANS TO BE AMERICAN
Sunday, two days before the Presidential election, Donald Trump made five campaign stops, in five states: Iowa, Minnesota, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. In Michigan, Ted Nugent served as the warmup act; in Virginia, it was Oliver North. At the end of Trump’s campaign, he has returned to the theme with which he began: the threat that immigrants pose to American society. In Minnesota, he told his supporters that “you’ve seen firsthand the problems caused with faulty refugee vetting, with very large numbers of Somali refugees coming into your state without your knowledge.” In Michigan, he blamed refugees for putting “your security at risk.” In Pennsylvania, he said, “You have people being brought into your community. Nobody knows who they are.” In Iowa, he described gruesome murders of Americans that were committed by immigrant killers. “The crime that’s been committed by these people is unbelievable.”
But the real news was about the electoral clout of “these people.” The background to those rallies was the accumulating evidence of a surge of Latino early voters, who may well change the course of this election. On Friday night, in Las Vegas, which has a large Latino population, the line to vote at a Cardenas supermarket was so long—at one point, more than a thousand people were waiting—that poll workers kept the site open until well after 10 p.m. The previous week, an A.P. photographer had captured a row of middle-aged women, most of them wearing casino housekeeper uniforms, standing in polling booths. The influential political analyst Jon Ralston wrote on Sunday that, in Las Vegas, Hillary Clinton’s early-voting lead may have put “a fitting final nail in Trump’s coffin.” In Florida, the line outside an Orlando library was ninety minutes long, and the political scientist Dan Smith noted the “explosive early voting turnout of Hispanics.” More than a third of those early voters did not vote in the last Presidential election. “The story of this election may be the mobilization of the Hispanic vote,” Senator Lindsey Graham, a Republican from South Carolina, and a vocal opponent of Trump, told the Times this weekend.
If Clinton does win tomorrow, the primary story will be the election of the first female President. A secondary story may be the confirmation of a liberal turn in national politics: since 1992, the Democrats will have won the popular vote in six of seven Presidential elections. But this weekend made clear that there will be a third story, about Latino voters, whom Trump called criminals throughout the election, and who played a crucial role in the Republican candidate’s comeuppance. The lines at the Las Vegas supermarket and the Orlando library are in part the consequence of Trump’s narrow view of what makes a person American, and so they have an elevated meaning. For many Latino and immigrant voters, given everything that has come before, winning would be the ultimate declaration of belonging.
Previously, the story told about Latino voters was about their fear of Trump, and his threat of mass deportation. “Papi, can we stay?” a (fictional) little girl asks her father, in an ad that the filmmaker Joss Whedon made in support of Clinton. “I’m scared that my parents will get deported,” a (real) girl in a blue dress tells Clinton, in one of her campaign’s last official videos. But at early-voting locations in Florida and Nevada, Latino voters often sounded less defensive: they were confident that they had a better understanding than Trump of what it means to be an American. “He doesn’t have the values of our nation,” a woman named Rosa Agosto, who identified herself as Puerto Rican, told the Tampa Bay Times, in Kissimmee, Florida. “He’s not the kind of man who should be President,” a Puerto Rico*-born English teacher named Greta Gomez said. The tone could be cheeky: when the Times asked a maintenance worker named Oscar Diaz, in West Tampa, Florida, what brought him to the polls, he said, “Trump’s big mouth.”
The Democrats, and the Clintons in particular, have been chasing scenes like these for a long time. In 1972, Bill and Hillary Clinton, working for the Democratic candidate George McGovern, set up in the Rio Grande Valley, registering Latinos to vote. This year, Hillary Clinton had Astrid Silva, a twenty-eight-year-old undocumented immigrant and activist for immigrant rights, speak at the Democratic National Convention. It is difficult to imagine Silva on that stage five years ago, and impossible to see her there fifteen years ago. But in this election some of the old preferences of the immigrant electorate have weakened—there is little talk about the conservatism of many Cuban-Americans and Vietnamese-Americans—and have been replaced by a new set of questions, not about their relation to the old country but about their place in this one.
Throughout the election, Trump has wanted a fight over American identity, to make himself the candidate of those who remember George Patton and Douglas MacArthur and to make Clinton the candidate of an alarming other. He is getting that fight now. Over the weekend, Clinton campaigned with Khizr Khan, in New Hampshire. “Thankfully, Mr. Trump, this isn’t your America,” Khan said. For decades, the Clintons have presented themselves as the candidates of the future. But the race against Trump and the shape of Hillary Clinton’s coalition have made that position more meaningful than ever. This election may well be won on the idea that the history of the American people is not so easily distinguished from global history, and that American identity is fixed in a shared future rather than a shared past.
Latino Voters Show Trump What It Means to Be American - The New Yorker
Sunday, two days before the Presidential election, Donald Trump made five campaign stops, in five states: Iowa, Minnesota, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. In Michigan, Ted Nugent served as the warmup act; in Virginia, it was Oliver North. At the end of Trump’s campaign, he has returned to the theme with which he began: the threat that immigrants pose to American society. In Minnesota, he told his supporters that “you’ve seen firsthand the problems caused with faulty refugee vetting, with very large numbers of Somali refugees coming into your state without your knowledge.” In Michigan, he blamed refugees for putting “your security at risk.” In Pennsylvania, he said, “You have people being brought into your community. Nobody knows who they are.” In Iowa, he described gruesome murders of Americans that were committed by immigrant killers. “The crime that’s been committed by these people is unbelievable.”
But the real news was about the electoral clout of “these people.” The background to those rallies was the accumulating evidence of a surge of Latino early voters, who may well change the course of this election. On Friday night, in Las Vegas, which has a large Latino population, the line to vote at a Cardenas supermarket was so long—at one point, more than a thousand people were waiting—that poll workers kept the site open until well after 10 p.m. The previous week, an A.P. photographer had captured a row of middle-aged women, most of them wearing casino housekeeper uniforms, standing in polling booths. The influential political analyst Jon Ralston wrote on Sunday that, in Las Vegas, Hillary Clinton’s early-voting lead may have put “a fitting final nail in Trump’s coffin.” In Florida, the line outside an Orlando library was ninety minutes long, and the political scientist Dan Smith noted the “explosive early voting turnout of Hispanics.” More than a third of those early voters did not vote in the last Presidential election. “The story of this election may be the mobilization of the Hispanic vote,” Senator Lindsey Graham, a Republican from South Carolina, and a vocal opponent of Trump, told the Times this weekend.
If Clinton does win tomorrow, the primary story will be the election of the first female President. A secondary story may be the confirmation of a liberal turn in national politics: since 1992, the Democrats will have won the popular vote in six of seven Presidential elections. But this weekend made clear that there will be a third story, about Latino voters, whom Trump called criminals throughout the election, and who played a crucial role in the Republican candidate’s comeuppance. The lines at the Las Vegas supermarket and the Orlando library are in part the consequence of Trump’s narrow view of what makes a person American, and so they have an elevated meaning. For many Latino and immigrant voters, given everything that has come before, winning would be the ultimate declaration of belonging.
Previously, the story told about Latino voters was about their fear of Trump, and his threat of mass deportation. “Papi, can we stay?” a (fictional) little girl asks her father, in an ad that the filmmaker Joss Whedon made in support of Clinton. “I’m scared that my parents will get deported,” a (real) girl in a blue dress tells Clinton, in one of her campaign’s last official videos. But at early-voting locations in Florida and Nevada, Latino voters often sounded less defensive: they were confident that they had a better understanding than Trump of what it means to be an American. “He doesn’t have the values of our nation,” a woman named Rosa Agosto, who identified herself as Puerto Rican, told the Tampa Bay Times, in Kissimmee, Florida. “He’s not the kind of man who should be President,” a Puerto Rico*-born English teacher named Greta Gomez said. The tone could be cheeky: when the Times asked a maintenance worker named Oscar Diaz, in West Tampa, Florida, what brought him to the polls, he said, “Trump’s big mouth.”
The Democrats, and the Clintons in particular, have been chasing scenes like these for a long time. In 1972, Bill and Hillary Clinton, working for the Democratic candidate George McGovern, set up in the Rio Grande Valley, registering Latinos to vote. This year, Hillary Clinton had Astrid Silva, a twenty-eight-year-old undocumented immigrant and activist for immigrant rights, speak at the Democratic National Convention. It is difficult to imagine Silva on that stage five years ago, and impossible to see her there fifteen years ago. But in this election some of the old preferences of the immigrant electorate have weakened—there is little talk about the conservatism of many Cuban-Americans and Vietnamese-Americans—and have been replaced by a new set of questions, not about their relation to the old country but about their place in this one.
Throughout the election, Trump has wanted a fight over American identity, to make himself the candidate of those who remember George Patton and Douglas MacArthur and to make Clinton the candidate of an alarming other. He is getting that fight now. Over the weekend, Clinton campaigned with Khizr Khan, in New Hampshire. “Thankfully, Mr. Trump, this isn’t your America,” Khan said. For decades, the Clintons have presented themselves as the candidates of the future. But the race against Trump and the shape of Hillary Clinton’s coalition have made that position more meaningful than ever. This election may well be won on the idea that the history of the American people is not so easily distinguished from global history, and that American identity is fixed in a shared future rather than a shared past.
Latino Voters Show Trump What It Means to Be American - The New Yorker
if you say "Readheads are stupid and hotheaded," , it's a damn good thing you didn't write it, but it's a moot point!
In Trump’s Most Important County, a Surge of Hispanic Voters
Trump officials believe the Florida county of Miami-Dade can tip the must-win state their way. But an analysis of early votes shows eye-popping Hispanic numbers.
Donald Trump’s campaign has always understood that Florida is key to his electoral chances. At Trump’s data headquarters in San Antonio, staffers run daily simulations that weight and rank the importance of each state to building a path to 270 electoral votes. Florida is invariably on top. And within Florida, Trump’s analysts have pinpointed the area that’s most critical of all.
Miami-Dade County is the most important county in the country for Trump's chances, according to a campaign official familiar with the simulations.
Brad Parscale, Trump’s digital director, prefers the slightly broader measure of “designated market area,” but agrees Miami-Dade is “the most important DMA”—ground zero for the Trump campaign. “When I speak of importance,” Parscale said, “I am stating that we have large numbers of persuadable” voters there.
“Hispanic voters are over-performing their share of the electorate.”
Daniel A. Smith, University of Florida
For weeks, both campaigns have fixated on the question of whether Miamians would turn out in force to vote—and, if so, who they’d vote for. The first question has already been answered with a resounding yes. Florida has seen a surge of early voting.
“It’s been just massive,” said University of Florida political scientist Daniel A. Smith.
Whether Trump can win over enough voters in Miami-Dade is another question. Nothing will be settled until Election Day. But a study of Miami-Dade’s early voters that Smith conducted for Bloomberg Businessweek suggests Clinton is poised to benefit from an unprecedented surge of Hispanic voters.
There are 1.5 million registered voters in Miami-Dade county (56 percent of whom are Hispanic), including nearly 30,000 added during a last-minute voter-registration drive in October, after Democratic Party officials went to court to extend the deadline in the wake of Hurricane Matthew. Through Saturday, according to Smith, 707,844 county residents had already voted: 44 percent were Democrats, 30 percent Republican, and 25 percent had “no party affiliation," a group that tends to skew younger and Hispanic, and thus toward Clinton. The demographic mix of early voters also looks highly favorable to Clinton: 58 percent Hispanic, 17 percent African-American and 20 percent white.
But the late registrants, Smith says, give the clearest indication that sentiment in Miami-Dade is running strongly against Trump. Of the 29,657 voters who registered last month, 41 percent are Democrats, 44 percent are unaffiliated, and only 12.5 percent are Republicans. “That’s nuts,” said Smith. “These are the barometers that indicate the hostility toward the GOP candidate.”
Back in mid-October, Trump’s data officials noticed that African-American turnout in Miami-Dade was lagging behind its 2012 pace, a potentially worrisome sign for Clinton.
Trump’s campaign has directed targeted ads at African-American voters in the Little Haiti section of the county to depress enthusiasm for Clinton. But in recent days, turnout has picked up. “It doesn’t appear that black turnout is underperforming,” said Smith, who noted that Sunday, Nov. 6—for which data is not yet available—was likely to be the biggest voting day yet for African-American voters.
An important question about the surge of early votes is whether the increased numbers represents new voters or merely “cannibalizes” the votes of people who would have turned up at the polls anyway on Election Day. To find the answer, Smith used a database he’s built to compare this year’s early voters against a list of people who voted in 2012. His conclusion: hundreds of thousands of new black and Hispanic voters are casting ballots, an ominous sign for Trump. “Of the 707,844 voters in Miami-Dade, 201,000 did not vote in 2012—and 127,000 of them are Hispanic,” he says. “Hispanic voters are over-performing their share of the electorate.”
Among the 117,000 African Americans who voted early, 22,500 didn’t vote in 2012. “Basically, one in five blacks and one in three Hispanics didn’t vote in 2012 in Miami-Dade and have already cast a ballot,” said Smith. “I have a hard time believing that many of these first-time voters are in the Trump camp after his scorched earth campaign against immigrants and, specifically, Hispanics.”
Broadening the lens to Miami’s designated market area (which includes Broward and Monroe counties) doesn’t improve Trump’s performance. Of the area’s 1.3 million early voters, nearly 351,000 did not vote in 2012—and 47 percent are Hispanic. “The numbers are even worse for Trump,” said Smith.
Still, the Trump campaign is hoping that come Election Day, the profile of the voters who turn up at the polls will be more favorable to their candidate, enough to tilt this pivotal state into the Trump column. "It will be close," Parscale said. But even he can’t know for sure. “It’s like predicting your wife’s mood. You have no idea what you’re going to get until you get home.”
In Trump’s Most Important County, a Surge of Hispanic Voters - Bloomberg Politics
Trump officials believe the Florida county of Miami-Dade can tip the must-win state their way. But an analysis of early votes shows eye-popping Hispanic numbers.
Donald Trump’s campaign has always understood that Florida is key to his electoral chances. At Trump’s data headquarters in San Antonio, staffers run daily simulations that weight and rank the importance of each state to building a path to 270 electoral votes. Florida is invariably on top. And within Florida, Trump’s analysts have pinpointed the area that’s most critical of all.
Miami-Dade County is the most important county in the country for Trump's chances, according to a campaign official familiar with the simulations.
Brad Parscale, Trump’s digital director, prefers the slightly broader measure of “designated market area,” but agrees Miami-Dade is “the most important DMA”—ground zero for the Trump campaign. “When I speak of importance,” Parscale said, “I am stating that we have large numbers of persuadable” voters there.
“Hispanic voters are over-performing their share of the electorate.”
Daniel A. Smith, University of Florida
For weeks, both campaigns have fixated on the question of whether Miamians would turn out in force to vote—and, if so, who they’d vote for. The first question has already been answered with a resounding yes. Florida has seen a surge of early voting.
“It’s been just massive,” said University of Florida political scientist Daniel A. Smith.
Whether Trump can win over enough voters in Miami-Dade is another question. Nothing will be settled until Election Day. But a study of Miami-Dade’s early voters that Smith conducted for Bloomberg Businessweek suggests Clinton is poised to benefit from an unprecedented surge of Hispanic voters.
There are 1.5 million registered voters in Miami-Dade county (56 percent of whom are Hispanic), including nearly 30,000 added during a last-minute voter-registration drive in October, after Democratic Party officials went to court to extend the deadline in the wake of Hurricane Matthew. Through Saturday, according to Smith, 707,844 county residents had already voted: 44 percent were Democrats, 30 percent Republican, and 25 percent had “no party affiliation," a group that tends to skew younger and Hispanic, and thus toward Clinton. The demographic mix of early voters also looks highly favorable to Clinton: 58 percent Hispanic, 17 percent African-American and 20 percent white.
But the late registrants, Smith says, give the clearest indication that sentiment in Miami-Dade is running strongly against Trump. Of the 29,657 voters who registered last month, 41 percent are Democrats, 44 percent are unaffiliated, and only 12.5 percent are Republicans. “That’s nuts,” said Smith. “These are the barometers that indicate the hostility toward the GOP candidate.”
Back in mid-October, Trump’s data officials noticed that African-American turnout in Miami-Dade was lagging behind its 2012 pace, a potentially worrisome sign for Clinton.
Trump’s campaign has directed targeted ads at African-American voters in the Little Haiti section of the county to depress enthusiasm for Clinton. But in recent days, turnout has picked up. “It doesn’t appear that black turnout is underperforming,” said Smith, who noted that Sunday, Nov. 6—for which data is not yet available—was likely to be the biggest voting day yet for African-American voters.
An important question about the surge of early votes is whether the increased numbers represents new voters or merely “cannibalizes” the votes of people who would have turned up at the polls anyway on Election Day. To find the answer, Smith used a database he’s built to compare this year’s early voters against a list of people who voted in 2012. His conclusion: hundreds of thousands of new black and Hispanic voters are casting ballots, an ominous sign for Trump. “Of the 707,844 voters in Miami-Dade, 201,000 did not vote in 2012—and 127,000 of them are Hispanic,” he says. “Hispanic voters are over-performing their share of the electorate.”
Among the 117,000 African Americans who voted early, 22,500 didn’t vote in 2012. “Basically, one in five blacks and one in three Hispanics didn’t vote in 2012 in Miami-Dade and have already cast a ballot,” said Smith. “I have a hard time believing that many of these first-time voters are in the Trump camp after his scorched earth campaign against immigrants and, specifically, Hispanics.”
Broadening the lens to Miami’s designated market area (which includes Broward and Monroe counties) doesn’t improve Trump’s performance. Of the area’s 1.3 million early voters, nearly 351,000 did not vote in 2012—and 47 percent are Hispanic. “The numbers are even worse for Trump,” said Smith.
Still, the Trump campaign is hoping that come Election Day, the profile of the voters who turn up at the polls will be more favorable to their candidate, enough to tilt this pivotal state into the Trump column. "It will be close," Parscale said. But even he can’t know for sure. “It’s like predicting your wife’s mood. You have no idea what you’re going to get until you get home.”
In Trump’s Most Important County, a Surge of Hispanic Voters - Bloomberg Politics
EYE POPPING was an understatement!
Lol
How did that crushing go for you. Face it... the demographics just ain't there.
You drank that Kool-aid
EagleSmack; said:
Hillary got the majority of the Latino vote in Florida as well as California, Nevada, and New Mexico. Interestingly, CBS said the reason why she missed out on winning Michigan was because of its small Latino population.
But in a few years it may well be different.
Face it Goph, the Hispanics in America are thriving. If they weren't they'd go home.
BTW...
Vamos a tener una reunión familiar en Canadá el verano que viene.
BITCH!
BTW...
Vamos a tener una reunión familiar en Canadá el verano que viene.
BITCH!
¿A dónde será la reunión?
As for thriving, that is true for a large segment. However, Hillary did get the majority of their votes.
And she ain't no worse a bitch than porno queen Melania.
