The Harm Stemming from Anti-Intellectualism in the U.S.

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An intellectual is a person who uses intelligence (thought and reason) and critical or analytical reasoning in either a professional or a personal capacity.

‘Intellectual’ can denote three types of persons:

  1. A person involved in, and with, abstract, erudite ideas and theories.
  2. A person whose profession (science, medicine, literature) solely involves the production and dissemination of ideas.[1]
  3. A person of notable cultural and artistic expertise whose knowledge grants him or her intellectual authority in public discourse.
Regardless of the field of expertise, the role of the public intellectual is addressing and responding to the problems of his or her society as the voice of the people with neither the ability nor the opportunity to address said problems in the public fora. Hence, they must "rise above the partial preoccupation of one’s own profession . . . and engage with the global issues of truth, judgement, and taste of the time." [8][9] The purpose of the public intellectual is debated, especially his or her place in public discourse, thus acceptance or non-acceptance in contemporary society.

Intellectual - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This next bit is an excerpt I've typed out from "Nonsense On Stilts - How To Tell Science From Bunk", by Massimo Pigliucci. He makes a case for why Anti-Intellectualism kills our ability to have these non-partisan, non-profit, public figures who have been able to facilitate societal evolution in the past. The book as a whole has been pretty inspiring and I strongly urge anyone who has an interest in looking at the world from a macroscopic perspective to give it a read.

Anti-Intellectualism


"Anti-intellectualism is not a single proposition but a complex of related propositions.. The common strain that binds together the attitudes and ideas which I call anti-intellectual is a resentment and suspicion of the life of the mind and of those who are considered to represent it; and a disposition constantly to minimize the value of that life." - Richard Hofstadter from Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (1963)

There are three fundamental kinds of anti-intellectualism - anti-elitism, instrumentalism and anti-rationalism.

Anti-Elitism

As mentioned earlier, anti-elitism is complex and contradictory within American society, as this is a culture where elitism stemming from birth or intellect is seen with deep suspicion, and yet elitism based on money (itself highly culturally heritable) or physical prowess are elevated to mythical levels.

Americans have not yet accepted as a culture that the fact that people are born with different abilities (be they mental or physical) does not translate into the value judgment that they therefore ought to be accorded different status as human beings. Until they do, anti-elitism will in fact seriously limit the impact that intellectuals might have on the political and social discourse in the U.S.

Instrumentalism

Instrumentalism is another quintessential American ideology, although it is not an all-out anti-intellect position. The idea is that learning is to be encouraged if it is aimed at addressing practical concerns.

Instrumentalism makes less and less sense the more a society develops above the level of direct struggle for life. At the beginning of U.S. history, just as in many parts of the world still today—unfortunately—the imperative was first to survive from one year to another, or even one day to another, and then to lay the foundations for a more stable and prosperous society. But as soon as basic human needs are met and a minimum sense of security settles in, we begin to look for other ways to fulfill our lives, what Aristotle referred to as “flourishing.” A liberal education is not meant to provide people with the know-how for functioning in either an agricultural or industrial setting; its goal is to produce mentally sophisticated citizens, capable of critical thinking, who can be fulfilled members of a complex society in which labour is a means to many ends, not just to survival.

Within the context of our discussion, then, instrumentalism is one of the reasons why liberal education has been under constant attack from conservative politicians for decades, and it is why the National Science Foundation (which has a federal mandate to fund both basic—that is, not applied—scientific research as well as science education) tends to be among the least-funded science agencies in the country.

Anti-rationalism


This one has profound religious roots, tracing back at least to the first “Great Awakening” that led to the creation of the evangelical movement in the U.S. during the early 1700s. Ironically, the Awakening was a revolt against what was perceived as the hyperintellectual flavour of early American Puritanism, characterized by ministers who spoke of abstruse theological issues in highly philosophical terms rather than addressing the emotional concerns of their very flesh-and-bone followers in the pews. It is not difficult to see how modern-day evangelical and charismatic movements are direct cultural descendants of that first revolt. This in turn has led to the rise of the extreme religious right in politics and to the never-ending battle between evolution and creationism in science education.

There are two major “currents” within anti-rationalism. In one current there is a tendency to see reason as cold, opposed to emotions, and therefore almost inhuman. One can think of this as the prototypical anti-Aristotelian position, since for the Greek philosopher, reason is the highest characteristic of humanity and ought in fact to keep emotions in check (though he would have also immediately added that this is a matter of balancing the two, not simply of repressing emotions.)

The other current pits absolutism against relativism, particularly when it comes to moral problems. The fear that strikes the creationist’s heart, for instance, when he contemplates what philosopher Daniel Dennett called “Darwin’s dangerous idea” is that the modern scientific account of the origin of humans and of all other species directly contradicts the accounts in Genesis. And if Genesis turns out to be wrong about factual matters, how can we trust it when it comes to questions of morality?

Considering, as we have so far, the decline in quality if not quantity of intellectualism in the U.S., as well as developing a better appreciation of just how dep the roots of anti-intellectualism are in the American culture and history, should make it clear why the task for scientists who wish to do their part as public intellectuals seem daunting indeed.
 

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I will be updating this periodically with the 'intellectual du jour'. Not everyone will be nice, respected or even that goodwilled - but this is merely to educate people on some of the more recent, active intellectuals and their contributions.
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Muhammad Yunus

Muhammad Yunus (Bengali: মুহাম্মদ ইউনুস, pronounced Muhammôd Iunus) (born 28 June 1940) is a Bangladeshi economist and founder of the Grameen Bank, an institution that provides microcredit (small loans to poor people possessing no collateral) to help its clients establish creditworthiness and financial self-sufficiency. In 2006 Yunus and Grameen received the Nobel Peace Prize.[1] Yunus himself has received several other national and international honors.

He previously was a professor of economics where he developed the concepts of microcredit and microfinance. These loans are given to entrepreneurs too poor to qualify for traditional bank loans. He is the author of Banker to the Poor and a founding board member of Grameen America and Grameen Foundation. In early 2007 Yunus showed interest in launching a political party in Bangladesh named Nagorik Shakti (Citizen Power), but later discarded the plan. He is one of the founding members of Global Elders.

Yunus also serves on the board of directors of the United Nations Foundation, a public charity created in 1998 with entrepreneur and philanthropist Ted Turner’s historic $1 billion gift to support United Nations causes. The UN Foundation builds and implements public-private partnerships to address the world’s most pressing problems, and broadens support for the UN.[2]

In March 2011, after months of government scrutiny, the Bangladesh government fired Yunus from his position at Grameen Bank, citing legal violations and an age limit on his position.[3] Bangladesh's High Court affirmed the removal on March 8. Yunus and Grameen Bank are appealing the decision, claiming Yunus' removal was politically motivated.


Grameen Bank

In 1976, during visits to the poorest households in the village of Jobra near Chittagong University, Yunus discovered that very small loans could make a disproportionate difference to a poor person. Jobra women who made bamboo furniture had to take out usurious loans for buying bamboo, to pay their profits to the moneylenders. His first loan, consisting of US$27.00 from his own pocket, was made to 42 women in the village, who made a net profit of BDT 0.50 (US$0.02) each on the loan. Accumulated through many loans, this vastly improving Bangladesh's ability to export and import as it did in the past, resulting in a greater form of globalization and economic status.[5]

The Grameen Bank started to diversify in the late 1980s when it started attending to unutilized or underutilized fishing ponds, as well as irrigation pumps like deep tubewells.[16] In 1989, these diversified interests started growing into separate organizations, as the fisheries project became Grameen Motsho (Grameen Fisheries Foundation) and the irrigation project became Grameen Krishi (Grameen Agriculture Foundation).[16] Over time, the Grameen initiative has grown into a multi-faceted group of profitable and non-profit ventures, including major projects like Grameen Trust and Grameen Fund, which runs equity projects like Grameen Software Limited, Grameen CyberNet Limited, and Grameen Knitwear Limited,[17] as well as Grameen Telecom, which has a stake in Grameenphone (GP), biggest private sector phone company in Bangladesh.[18] The Village Phone (Polli Phone) project of GP has brought cell-phone ownership to 260,000 rural poor in over 50,000 villages since the beginning of the project in March 1997.[19]

The success of the Grameen model of microfinancing has inspired similar efforts in a hundred countries throughout the developing world and even in industrialized nations, including the United States.[20] Many, but not all, microcredit projects also retain its emphasis on lending specifically to women. More than 94% of Grameen loans have gone to women, who suffer disproportionately from poverty and who are more likely than men to devote their earnings to their families.[21] For his work with the Grameen Bank, Yunus was named an Ashoka: Innovators for the Public Global Academy Member in 2001.[22]


Political activity

In early 2006 Yunus, along with other members of the civil society including Professor Rehman Sobhan, Justice Muhammad Habibur Rahman, Dr Kamal Hossain, Matiur Rahman, Mahfuz Anam and Debapriya Bhattchariya, participated in a campaign for honest and clean candidates in national elections.[42] He considered entering politics in the later part of that year.[43] On 11 February 2007, Yunus wrote an open letter, published in the Bangladeshi newspaper Daily Star, where he asked citizens for views on his plan to float a political party to establish political goodwill, proper leadership and good governance. In the letter, he called on everyone to briefly outline how he should go about the task and how they can contribute to it.[44] Yunus finally announced the foundation of a new party tentatively called Citizens' Power (Nagorik Shakti) on 18 February 2007.[45][46] There was speculation that the army supported a move by Yunus into politics.[47] On 3 May, however, Yunus declared that he had decided to abandon his political plans following a meeting with the head of the interim government, Fakhruddin Ahmed.[48]

Since 2010, Yunus has served as a Commissioner for the Broadband Commission for Digital Development, a UN initiative which seeks to use broadband internet services to accelerate social and economic development.[53]


Yunus under attack

Since late November 2010, several allegations have been made against Yunus. These allegations started when a documentary, titled “Caught in Micro Debt”,[54] was aired on Norwegian television on November 30, 2010, criticizing microcredit and blaming Grameen Bank on several points .[55] They developed during a time when larger questions were being raised about the benefits of microfinance and its effects on poverty alleviation, particularly in regards to several microfinance institutions (MFIs) in India [56] and Mexico .[57]

The allegations against Yunus turned political in nature when the government of Bangladesh – led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, who reportedly has viewed Yunus as a political rival since he looked into setting up a political party in 2007 [58] – suddenly turned against him and the concept of microfinance (which she had formerly championed [citation needed]), accusing it of “sucking blood from the poor” .[59]

The Government announced a review into the activities of Grameen Bank on January 11, 2011 ;[60] this review is currently ongoing. Yunus has welcomed this review; he feels that any honest and unmotivated investigation will clear both himself and Grameen Bank of any wrongdoing [citation needed]. In February, several international leaders, such as Mary Robinson, stepped up its defense of Yunus through a number of efforts, including the founding of a formal network of supporters known as “Friends of Grameen” .[61]

On March 3, 2011, Muhammad Yunus filed himself a writ at the High Court challenging the legality of the decision from the Bangladeshi Central Bank to remove him as Managing Director of Grameen Bank .[66] The same day, nine elected directors of Grameen Bank filed a second writ petition .[67] The High Court hearing on these petitions, initially planned on March 6, 2011, was postponed. On March 8, 2011, the Bangladeshi Court finally confirmed the dismissal of Yunus as Grameen Bank Managing Director .[68]
After Hillary Clinton, John Kerry expressed its support to Yunus in a statement released on March 5, 2011 and declared that he was “deeply concerned” by this affair. In Bangladesh, thousands of people protested and formed human chains on March 5, 2011 to support Yunus [citation needed].


Countered allegations from a Danish documentary

A Danish documentary called “Caught in Micro Debt”,[54] produced and directed by journalist Tom Heinemann, aired on Norwegian national television on November 30, 2010. It made a number of allegations against Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank. Those allegations have been countered by later inquiries.

The documentary accused Yunus and Grameen Bank of:

  • Diverting 7 billion taka (about 100 million dollars) that had been given by the Norway aid agency NORAD from Grameen Bank to another organization called Grameen Kalyan in 1996 – an allegation widely spread by a report released in the Bangladeshi electronic media on December 1.[69] Nonetheless, on December 6, NORAD published an official statement[70] clearing Yunus and Grameen Bank from any wrongdoing on this point, after a comprehensive review of NORAD’s support commissioned by the Minister of International Development.
  • Charging its borrowers annual interest rates of 30% to 200%. However, on January 4, MicroFinance Transparency (MFT) – engaged by Grameen Bank as an independent expert to investigate on this issue – released a report[71] saying that all of Grameen Bank’s rates were 100% transparent (an unprecedented rating in MFT’s examinations of MFIs and their rates) and showing that the highest effective interest rate charged for Grameen Bank’s “basic loan” was 22.84%.
  • Making empty promises to its borrowers and putting them in jeopardy with bad debt-recovery practices. Yet, after the documentary was aired on NRK Norway television, Gayle Ferraro, an independent filmmaker who was already in Bangladesh working on a project, went to interview a woman featured in the documentary, who Heinemann claimed was the daughter of one of Yunus’s original borrowers, and who claimed that her mother died in poverty.[72] Ferraro discovered that the woman interviewed was not who the film claimed she was, and that the actual borrower from the documentary did not die in poverty, but was alive and able to tell her story about how she had benefitted from microcredit.[73]
The allegations quickly spread through the Bangladesh media. To quote a leading Bangladeshi economist Rehman Sobhan:[74] “Rather than first seeking clarification and response from Grameen Bank as to the validity of the TV program, some sections of the media and society pounced on it with unseemly enthusiasm, using it as an opportunity to cite wrongdoing in a widely respected organization.” Muhammad Yunus asked for consistent and transparent investigations on these matters.

Questioning microfinance – the ‘loan sharks’ issue

The allegations against Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank have been made in a context where some people have begun to question the effectiveness of microfinance, prompted by the actions of some for-profit MFIs in India[75] and Mexico.[76] Coercion, peer pressure and physical harassment have been reportedly used as loan repayment practices in some specific microfinance institutions.[77] Commercialization of microcredit[78] prompted Muhammad Yunus to state that he “never imagined that one day microcredit would give rise to its own breed of loan sharks.”[79]

The lure of profits has attracted some for-profit microfinance institutions to hold initial public offerings, including the largest Indian microfinance institution, SKS Microfinance, which held an IPO in July 2010.[80] In September 2010, Yunus and Vikram Akula, founder of SKS, debated during the Clinton Global Initiative meeting,[81] where PrYunus made his position on the SKS IPO clear: “Microcredit is not about exciting people to make money off the poor. That's what you're doing. That's the wrong message completely.”

It is widely assumed that the government of Bangladesh is exploiting this “moral crisis around microcredit” to oust Muhammad Yunus.[82]


Political motivations behind the allegations

Though Grameen Bank was quickly cleared by the Norwegian government of all allegations surrounding misused or misappropriated funds, the Bangladeshi government launched a three-month investigation of all Grameen Bank’s activities.[83] This inquiry prevented Muhammad Yunus from participating in the World Economic Forum.[84]

On January 18, 2011, Yunus appeared in court in a defamation case filed by a local politician from a minor left-leaning party in 2007, complaining about a statement that Yunus made to the AFP news agency: “Politicians in Bangladesh only work for power. There is no ideology here”.[85] At the hearing, Yunus was granted bail and exempted from personal appearance at subsequent hearings.[86]

The last investigations have fueled suspicion that many attacks might be ”politically orchestrated”,[87] related to difficult relations between Sheikh Hasina and Yunus that date to early 2007, when Muhammad Yunus created his own political party, an effort he dropped in May 2007.[88]


Publications

Books by Muhammad Yunus
  • Three Farmers of Jobra; Department of Economics, Chittagong University; 1974
  • Planning in Bangladesh: Format, Technique, and Priority, and Other Essays; Rural Studies Project, Department of Economics, Chittagong University; 1976
  • Jorimon and Others: Faces of Poverty (co-authors: Saiyada Manajurula Isalama, Arifa Rahman); Grameen Bank; 1991
  • Grameen Bank, as I See it; Grameen Bank; 1994
  • Banker to the Poor: Micro-Lending and the Battle Against World Poverty; Public Affairs; 2003; ISBN 9781586481988
  • A World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism; Public Affairs; 2008; ISBN 9781586484934
  • Building Social Business; Public Affairs; 2010; ISBN 9781586488246
Articles by Muhammed Yunus
On Muhammad Yunus
  • David Bornstein; The Price of a Dream: The Story of the Grameen Bank and the Idea That Is; Simon & Schuster; 1996; ISBN 068481191X

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_Yunus
 
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BaalsTears

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Anti-Elitism today is based on the fact that American elites are generally transnationalists who have abandoned any loyalty to their fellow Americans. They have, inter alia, welcomed hordes of uneducated, unskilled and impoverished illegal aliens into the country who have become nothing more than colonists and expatriates. Anti-elitism in America has nothing to do with the life of the mind.

Instrumentalism is an absurd notion. The rationale for intellectualism is to be both practical in order to improve lives, and to provide insight as to the nature and meaning of existence in and of itself.

Anti-Rationalism is again absurd. How else does one explain conservative intellectuals who are atheists?

The greatest Canadian intellectual is Ron Jeremy. jk
 

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Abdolkarim Soroush

Abdolkarim Soroush (عبدالكريم سروش), born Hosein Haj Faraj Dabbagh (1945-; Persian: حسين حاج فرج دباغ), is an Iranian thinker, reformer, Rumi scholar and a former professor at the University of Tehran.[1] He is arguably the most influential figure in religious intellectual movement in Iran. Professor Soroush is currently a visiting scholar at the University of Maryland in College Park, MD He was also affiliated with other prestigious institutions, including Harvard, Princeton, Yale, Columbia, the Leiden based International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM) and the Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin. Soroush idea's, founded on Relativism prompted both supporters and critics to compare his role in reforming Islam to that of Martin Luther in reforming Christianity.[2][3]

During the 90s, Soroush gradually became more critical of the political role played by the Iranian clergy. The monthly magazine that he cofounded, Kiyan, soon became the most visible forum ever for religious intellectualism. In this magazine he published his most controversial articles on religious pluralism, hermeneutics, tolerance, clericalism etc. The magazine was clamped down in 1998 among many other magazines and newspapers by the direct order of the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. About a thousand audio tapes of speeches by Soroush on various social, political, religious and literary subjects delivered all over the world are widely in circulation in Iran and elsewhere. Soon, he not only became subject to harassment and state censorship, but also lost his job and security. His public lectures at Universities in Iran are often disrupted by hardline Ansar-e-Hizbullah vigilante groups.

From the year 2000 onwards Abdulkarim Soroush has been a Visiting Professor in Harvard University teaching Rumi poetry and philosophy, Islam and Democracy, Quranic Studies and Philosophy of Islamic Law.


Philosophy of Abdolkarim Soroush

Soroush is primarily interested in the philosophy of science, philosophy of religion, the philosophical system of Molana Jalaleddin Balkhi (Rumi) and comparative philosophy. He is a world expert on Rumi and Persian Sufi poetry.

The philosophy of Abdolkarim Soroush can be summarized as follows:[5]

  • Distinction between "religion" and our "understanding of religion".
  • Distinction between "essential" and "accidental" aspects of religion.
  • Distinction between "minimalist" and "maximalist" interpretation of Islam.
  • Distinction between values and morals that are considered internal in respect to Islam and those that are external.
  • Distinction between Religious "belief" and Religious "faith".
  • Distinction between religion as an ideology/identity and religion of truth.


Distinction Between "Religion" and Our "Understanding of Religion"

Soroush's main contribution to Islamic philosophy is that he maintains that one should distinguish between religious as divinely revealed and the interpretation of religion or religious knowledge which is based on socio-historical factors. In Oxford, professors such as Komeil Sadeghi, Iranian philosopher influenced him so much that Soroush dedicated one of his best books named "Expansion of Prophetic Experience " to his honourable master.[citation needed]

Soroush's main thesis, entitled The Theoretical Contraction and Expansion of Shari'a separates religion per se from religious knowledge. The former, the essence of religion, is perceived as beyond human reach, eternal and divine. The latter, religious knowledge, is a sincere and authentic but finite, limited, and fallible form of human knowledge.[1]


Soroush's Political Theory

Soroush's political theory is in line with the modern tradition from Locke to the framers of the American constitution. It portrays human beings as weak and susceptible to temptation, even predation. As such, they need a vigilant and transparent form of government. He believes that the assumption of innate goodness of mankind, shared by radical Utopians from anarchists to Islamic fundamentalists underestimates the staying power of social evil and discounts the necessity of a government of checks and balances to compensate for the weaknesses of human nature.[2]

Soroush's political philosophy, as well, remains close to the heart of the liberal tradition, ever championing the basic values of reason, liberty, freedom, and democracy. They are perceived as "primary values," as independent virtues, not handmaidens of political maxims and religious dogma. Soroush entwines these basic values and beliefs in a rich tapestry of Islamic primary sources, literature, and poetry.[3]


Religious Democracy

Soroush introduced his own definition of the term Religious democracy which is now a topic in contemporary Iranian philosophy and means that the values of religion play a role in the public arena in a society populated by religious people. Religious democracy falls within the framework of modern rationality and has identifiable elements. It is in this way that we have a plurality of democracies in the international community. "Religious democracy" is a subject of intense research in Iranian intellectual circles.

Democracy where coincides with certain things, it can be secular or religious. Hence, what alters the hue and color of democracy is a society’s specific characteristics and elements. Religious democracy is an example of how democratic values can exist in a different cultural elaboration than what is usually known before.[8] But, in a secular society, some other characteristic is deemed important and focused on, and that becomes the basis for democracy.

In fact relativistic liberalism and democracy are not identical since democracy is not violated when a faith is embraced, it is violated when a particular belief is imposed or disbelief is punished.
We do not have one democracy but many democracies from ancient Greece to today. We have a plurality of democracies in the international community. What emerged was that a democracy prevailed in different eras depending on the conditions of the time.[9]


Reception

Soroush's ideas have met with strong opposition from conservative elements in the Islamic Republic. Both he and his audiences were assaulted by Ansar-e Hezbollah vigilantees in the mid 1990s. A law imposing penalties on anyone associating with enemies of the Islamic republic is thought by his allies to have been at least in part provoked by some of Soroush's lectures and foreign affiliations.[10]
According to the journalist Robin Wright:
Over the next year, he lost his three senior academic appointments, including a deanship. Other public appearances, including his Thursday lectures, were banned. He was forbidden to publish new articles. He was summoned for several long `interviews` by Iranian intelligence officials. His travel was restricted, then his passport confiscated.[10]
At the celebration of the sixteenth anniversary of the American embassy seizure in 1995, Wright found that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei "devoted more time berating Soroush...than condemning the United States or Israel." [11]


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdolkarim_Soroush
 

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Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama


Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama (born October 27, 1952) is an American philosopher, political economist, and author.

Early life

Francis Fukuyama was born in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. His father, Yoshio Fukuyama, a second-generation Japanese-American, was trained as a minister in the Congregational Church, received a doctorate in sociology from the University of Chicago, and taught religious studies.[1][2][3]His mother, Toshiko Kawata Fukuyama, was born in Kyoto, Japan, and was the daughter of Shiro Kawata, founder of the Economics Department of Kyoto University and first president of Osaka City University.[4] Francis grew up in Manhattan as an only child, had little contact with Japanese culture, and did not learn Japanese.[1][2] His family moved to State College, Pennsylvania in 1967.[4]

Writings


Fukuyama is best known as the author of The End of History and the Last Man, in which he argued that the progression of human history as a struggle between ideologies is largely at an end, with the world settling on liberal democracy after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Fukuyama predicted the eventual global triumph of political and economic liberalism:
What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such... That is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.
He has written a number of other books, among them Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity and Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualified his original 'end of history' thesis, arguing that since biotechnology increasingly allows humans to control their own evolution, it may allow humans to alter human nature, thereby putting liberal democracy at risk. One possible outcome could be that an altered human nature could end in radical inequality. He is a fierce enemy of transhumanism, an intellectual movement asserting that posthumanity is a desirable goal.

In another work The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, he explores the origins of social norms, and analyses the current disruptions in the fabric of our moral traditions, which he considers as arising from a shift from the manufacturing to the information age. This shift is, he thinks, normal and will prove self-correcting, given the intrinsic human need for social norms and rules.

In 2008 he published the book Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States, which resulted from research and a conference funded by Grupo Mayan to gain understanding on why Latin America, once far wealthier than North America, fell behind in terms of development in only a matter of centuries. Discussing this book at a 2009 conference, Fukuyama outlined his belief that inequality within Latin American nations is a key impediment to growth. An unequal distribution of wealth, he stated, leads to social upheaval which in turn results in stunted growth.[6]

Neoconservatism

As a key Reagan Administration contributor to the formulation of the Reagan Doctrine, Fukuyama is an important figure in the rise of neoconservatism. He was active in the Project for the New American Century think tank starting in 1997, and as a member co-signed the organization's letter recommending that President Bill Clinton support Iraqi insurgencies in the overthrow of then-President of Iraq, Saddam Hussein.[7] He was also among forty co-signers of William Kristol's September 20, 2001 letter to President George W. Bush after the September 11, 2001 attacks that suggested the U.S. not only "capture or kill Osama bin Laden", but also embark upon "a determined effort to remove Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq".[8][9]

In a New York Times article of February 2006, Fukuyama, in considering the ongoing Iraq War, stated: "What American foreign policy needs is not a return to a narrow and cynical realism, but rather the formulation of a 'realistic Wilsonianism' that better matches means to ends."[10] In regard to neoconservatism he went on to say: "What is needed now are new ideas, neither neoconservative nor realist, for how America is to relate to the rest of the world — ideas that retain the neoconservative belief in the universality of human rights, but without its illusions about the efficacy of American power and hegemony to bring these ends about."[10]

Fukuyama's current views

Beginning in 2002 however,[citation needed] he began to distance himself from the neoconservative agenda of the Bush Administration, citing its overly militaristic basis and embrace of unilateral armed intervention, particularly in the Middle East. By late 2003, Fukuyama had voiced his growing opposition to the Iraq War[11] and called for Donald Rumsfeld's resignation as Secretary of Defense.[12] He said that he would vote against Bush in the 2004 election,[13] and that the Bush administration had made three major mistakes:[citation needed]


  • They had overestimated the threat of radical Islam to the US.
  • They hadn't foreseen the fierce negative reaction to its benevolent hegemony. From the very beginning they had shown a negative attitude toward the United Nations and other international organizations and hadn't seen that this would increase anti-Americanism in other countries.
  • They had misjudged what was needed to bring peace in Iraq and had been overly optimistic about the success with which social engineering of western values could be applied to Iraq and the Middle East in general.

Fukuyama believes the US has a right to promote its own values in the world, but more along the lines of what he calls "realistic Wilsonianism", with military intervention only as a last resort and only in addition to other measures. A latent military force is more likely to have an effect than actual deployment. The US spends more on its military than the rest of the world put together, but Iraq shows there are limits to its effectiveness. The US should instead stimulate political and economic development and gain a better understanding of what happens in other countries. The best instruments are setting a good example and providing education and, in many cases, money. The secret of development, be it political or economic, is that it never comes from outsiders, but always from people in the country itself. One thing the US proved to have excelled in during the aftermath of World War II was the formation of international institutions. A return to support for these structures would combine American power with international legitimacy. But such measures require a lot of patience. This is the central thesis of his most recent work America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy (2006).

In an essay in the New York Times Magazine in 2006 that was strongly critical of the invasion,[14] he identified neoconservatism with Leninism. He wrote that neoconservatives:
believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States. Neoconservatism, as both a political symbol and a body of thought, has evolved into something I can no longer support.
Fukuyama has announced the end of the neoconservative moment and argued for the demilitarization of the War on Terrorism:
[W]ar is the wrong metaphor for the broader struggle, since wars are fought at full intensity and have clear beginnings and endings. Meeting the jihadist challenge is more of a "long, twilight struggle" whose core is not a military campaign but a political contest for the hearts and minds of ordinary Muslims around the world.
Fukuyama endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 US presidential election. He states:
"I’m voting for Barack Obama this November for a very simple reason. It is hard to imagine a more disastrous presidency than that of George W. Bush. It was bad enough that he launched an unnecessary war and undermined the standing of the United States throughout the world in his first term. But in the waning days of his administration, he is presiding over a collapse of the American financial system and broader economy that will have consequences for years to come. As a general rule, democracies don’t work well if voters do not hold political parties accountable for failure. While John McCain is trying desperately to pretend that he never had anything to do with the Republican Party, I think it would be a travesty to reward the Republicans for failure on such a grand scale."[15]

Affiliations


  • Between 2006 and 2008, Fukuyama consulted Muammar Gaddafi as part of the Monitor Group, a consultancy firm based in Cambridge, MA.[16]
  • In August 2005, Fukuyama co-foundedThe American Interest, a quarterly magazine devoted to the broad theme of "America in the World". He is currently chairman of the editorial board.[5]
  • He was a member of the RAND Corporation's Political Science Department from 1979 to 1980, 1983 to 1989, and 1995 to 1996. He is now a member of the corporations' Board of Trustees.[5]
  • Fukuyama was a member of the President's Council on Bioethics from 2001 to 2004.[5]
  • Fukuyama is a Fellow of the World Academy of Art and Science (WAAS).
  • Fukuyama is on the steering committee for the Scooter Libby Legal Defense Trust.[17] Fukuyama is a long-time friend of Libby. They served together in the State Department in the 1980s.
  • During the 2008 Presidential Election, Fukuyama endorsed Democratic candidate Barack Obama who went on to win the Presidential Election.[18]
  • Fukuyama is a member of the Board of Counselors for the Pyle Center of Northeast Asian Studies at the National Bureau of Asian Research.[19]
  • Fukuyama is on the board of Global Financial Integrity.
  • Fukuyama is on the executive board of the Inter-American Dialogue.

Personal life

Fukuyama is also a part-time photographer and has a keen interest in early-American furniture, which he makes by hand.[20]

Fukuyama is married to Laura Holmgren, whom he met when she was a UCLA graduate student after he started working for the RAND Corporation.[5][2] He dedicated his book Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity to her. They live in suburban Washington, D.C., with their three children, Julia, David, and John.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Fukuyama
 
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CDNBear

Custom Troll
Sep 24, 2006
43,839
207
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Ontario
Intelligence and commonsense are not the same thing.

I know a well educated woman with the ability to sign multimillion dollar loans, do high finance and crunch numbers like a genius, that had to be told to stay away from the Grizzly bear and her cub.

Hell there are a staggering number of members here, that I think are extremely intelligent. So it baffles me when I see them spout such stupidity and buy any story that comes off their ideological press filter.
 

EagleSmack

Hall of Fame Member
Feb 16, 2005
44,168
96
48
USA
Oh boy... both men and women can absolutely FLIP out when it comes to love gone awry.

Intelligence and commonsense are not the same thing.

I know a well educated woman with the ability to sign multimillion dollar loans, do high finance and crunch numbers like a genius, that had to be told to stay away from the Grizzly bear and her cub.

.

Do go on!
 

CDNBear

Custom Troll
Sep 24, 2006
43,839
207
63
Ontario
Do go on!
Dare I admit that it was my Mom, while out west on business?

As she recounted the story to my Father and I, the two of us just stood there with our jaws on the floor. In complete disbelief.

The van she was in, passed a Mother Grizzly, complete with cub in the grass along the highway. They thought it would be smart to back up, get out and try and get closer for a better picture.

An Alberta MNR CO, passing by, stopped, calmly approached the group of idiots, pistol in hand and asked them kindly to go to his truck, where they were all cautioned, and told the next time, whether they get attacked or not, they'd be fined.

I was honestly dumbstruck. The woman is an accomplished banker, university educated, and for the most part, quite freaking bright.

For the life of me, I can not wrap my head around why her and her colleagues thought this was a great idea.

She now understands, that what she did was pure stupidity. Thank Gawd it came without the harder of the two lessons that could have been learned.
 

EagleSmack

Hall of Fame Member
Feb 16, 2005
44,168
96
48
USA
Now that is a good story.

I've never seen a bear in the wild. Would a Momma Grizzly attack a car?