Durban: The early skirmishes
Japan itself sits at one diagonal extreme - very keen to get cracking on a new agreement, very unkeen on more cuts under the KP. Russia sits alongside.
At the opposite extreme is the powerful Basic bloc - Brazil, South Africa, India and China - very keen on seeing Japan and its rich counterparts get fully back inside the KP, not keen on starting talks on a new agreement.
Small island states want a bit of both; the US and Canada want neither.
A number of developing countries believe there's no place for a new mandate leading to a new global agreement, because the world should still be working on the mandate agreed at the Bali summit four years ago.
"I exchanged views with my European colleagues before I came here and told them very clearly that a mandate is too much," Li Gao, a senior Chinese negotiator, told the AFP news agency.
Come next year's meeting, they'll be in the last chance saloon for deciding their KP approach, as the meeting will take place just a few weeks before the protocol's current targets expire at the end of 2012.
If the EU wants to begin talking about a new global deal, maybe the price will be to keep the KP going.
Whether that gets the Basics on board with a new mandate given that Japan, Russia and Canada will not be taking the KP route is another matter.
If not, the talks won't begin - period.
What has been highlighted yet again is the disjointed nature of many governments' approaches to energy and climate issues. The past and the present abound with instances where the right hand is trying to do something to restrain emissions while the left does something in a completely different context to boost emissions.
So the UK, for example, has been slammed by campaigners over its behind-the-scenes lobbying on Canada's oil sands - a fuel that if it is exploited on a big scale will mean "game over for the climate", according to US climate scientist James Hansen.
And the latest example comes in the form of a report from a coalition of campaign groups on banks' sustained investment in coal.
The BankTrack network attempted to unravel just how much leading banks are putting into mining coal and using it to generate electricity.
Its report covers 93 leading banks, 31 major coal producers (accounting for almost half the global total) and 40 companies running coal-fired power stations (more than half the global total).
The combined investment in coal from these banks amounts to 232bn euros (£199bn, $309bn) since 1997 - the year of the Kyoto Protocol's birth.
Part of the campaigners' strategy is to "name and shame" the banks involved. JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup and the Bank of America head their list, with more than 10bn euros invested each in coal, according to the group's calculations.
But maybe there's a bigger issue than dissecting out the individual players.
As Heffa Schuecking of the German campaign group
urgewald puts it: "If banks provide money for these projects, they will wreck all attempts to limit global warming to 2C."
So is it consistent for governments aiming for tight curbs on greenhouse gas emissions to allow banks to make such big investments in coal - especially when the G20 has pledged to end fossil fuel subsidies? If you're a government that doesn't profess a desire to constrain carbon emissions, then it makes perfect sense to allow banks operating on your territory to make these coal investments.
BBC News - Durban: The early skirmishes
Again, the point is continued to be reiterated by scientists and environmental policymakers - the more you focus your policy around a particular resource, the more you are dependent on it.