Islam vs. The World
- Thread starter Hank C
- Start date
EastSideScotian said:
Well you can think whatever you want, i don't care, just like i really don't care about jesus, mohamed, and all those religion moron, where only simple minded will believe in, to feel more secure, sorry i am not part of those peoples.
well no i guess jesus didn;t conquer any territory by force, but what about the book of jesus, the one that is left out of the bible, in which jesus kills another boy when he is younger?
that is niether here nor there i guess, thought how about GOD sending the plague upon Egypt and killing the first born sons?
what about him drowning the Egyptian army who was chasing moses and his people?
also [speaking of the pagan people of Cannan]
"Tear down their Altars, smash their standing stones, cut down their sacred poles, and set fire to their idols...For you are a people consecrated to Yahweh"
-Deuteronomy 7:5-6
there is obviously much more but i think i've made my point
I see Jersay and Aeon are going through the usual "After you, Alphonse — No, you first, my dear Gaston!" routine. Not much changes. :lol:
ITN just admit that there is terrorism that is not Muslim related that effects the world just as much as Islamic terrorism. And any religious group could be subjugated because of fear of the main society.
I think not said:
No it doesn't. Maybe cit is the most better financed. It might have backing from some National States, lets say some Islamic states in the Middle East. However any group that has hate against another group of people could do anything they want with the most limited amount of resources they have.
The Lord's Resistance Army has killed more people and mutilated so many people more than alot of Islamic groups.
Jersay said:
Jersay likes to play word games, a terrorist group named the Lord's Resistance Army is automatically a Christian terrorist ogranization. Let's play that game then. The most murderous tyrrants ever to have walked on the face of this earth are Socialists, because...........fill in the blanks. So many tyrrants under the guise of Socialism have spread murder, torture and poverty throughout the world.
The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA)[1], formed in 1987, is a rebel paramilitary group operating mainly in northern Uganda. The group is engaged in an armed rebellion against the Ugandan government in what is now one of Africa's longest-running conflicts. It is led by Joseph Kony, who proclaims himself a spirit medium, and apparently wishes to establish a state based on his unique interpretation of Biblical millenarianism. The LRA have been accused of widespread human rights violations, including the abduction of civilians, the use of child soldiers and a number of massacres.
The conflict forces many civilians to live in internally displaced person (IDP) camps. The Labuje IDP camp (pictured) is near Kitgum Town.Contents [hide]
1 Background
2 Early history of the LRA (1987 to 1994)
3 An international conflict (1994 to 2002)
4 The insurgency flares (March 2002 to September 2005)
5 Recent events
6 Effects
6.1 Night Commuters
7 Prominent incidents
8 Notes and references
9 See also
10 Bibliography and external links
[edit]
Background
The January 1986 overthrow of President Tito Okello, an ethnic Acholi, by the National Resistance Army (NRA) of southwest Ugandan Yoweri Museveni marked a period of intense turmoil. The Acholi feared the loss of their traditional dominance of the national military; they were also deeply concerned that the NRA would seek retribution for the brutal counterinsurgency, particularly the actions of the army in the Luwero triangle.[2] By August of that year, a full-blown popular insurgency had developed in northern regions that were occupied by government forces.
[edit]
Early history of the LRA (1987 to 1994)
Main article: Lord's Resistance Army (1987-1994)
Areas affected by the LRA insurgency post-2002In January 1987 Joseph Kony made his first appearance as a spirit medium, one of many who emerged after the initial success of the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Auma. Former Uganda People's Democratic Army commander Odong Latek convinced Kony to adopt conventional guerrilla tactics, primarily surprise attacks on civilian targets, such as villages. The LRA also occasionally carried out large-scale attacks to underline the inability of the government to protect the populace. Until 1991 the LRA raided the populace for supplies, which were carried away by villagers who were abducted for short periods. The fact that some NRA units were known for their brutal actions ensured that the LRA were given at least passive support by segments of the Acholi population[3]
March 1991 saw the start of "Operation North", which combined efforts to destroy the LRA while cutting away its roots of support among the population through heavy-handed tactics.[4] As part of Operation North, Acholi Betty Oyella Bigombe, the Minister charged with ending the insurgency, created "Arrow Groups" mostly armed with bows and arrows, as a form of local defence. As the LRA was armed with modern weaponry, the bow-and-arrow groups were overpowered. Nevertheless, the creation of the Arrow Groups angered Kony, who began to feel that he no longer had the support of the population. In response the LRA mutilated numerous Acholi who they believed to be government supporters. While the government efforts were a failure, the LRA reaction caused many Acholi to finally turn against the insurgency. However, this was tempered by the deep-seated antagonism towards the occupying government forces.
After the failure of Operation North, Minister Bigombe initiated the first face-to-face meeting between representatives of the LRA and government. The LRA asked for a general amnesty for their combatants and stated that they would not surrender, but were willing to "return home." However, the government stance was hampered by disagreement over the credibility of the LRA negotiatiors and political infighting. In particular, the military had learned that Kony was negotiating with the Sudanese government for support while talking to Bigombe, and felt that Kony was simply trying to buy time. At a second meeting on 10 January 1994, Kony asked for six months to regroup his troops. By early February the tone of the negotiations was growing increasingly acrimonious, and following a meeting on 2 February, the LRA broke off negotiations stating that they felt that the NRA was trying to entrap them. Four days later, President Yoweri Museveni announced a seven-day deadline for the LRA to surrender.[3] This ultimatum ended the Bigombe initiative.
[edit]
An international conflict (1994 to 2002)
Main article: Lord's Resistance Army (1994-2002)
Two women whose lips have been cut off by LRA rebels socialize in Gulu DistrictTwo weeks after Museveni delivered his ultimatum of 6 February 1994, LRA fighters were reported to have crossed the northern border and established bases in southern Sudan with the approval of the Khartoum government.[3] Sudanese aid was a response to Ugandan support for the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) fighting in the civil war in the south of the country. Also, having become convinced that the Acholi were now collaborating with the Museveni government, Kony began to target the civilians using his increased military strength. Mutilations became commonplace, and 1994 saw the first mass forced abduction of children and young people. As most of the LRA combatants are abducted children, a military solution is widely seen by the Acholi as a massacre of victims. Government attempts to destroy the rebels are thus viewed as another cause for grievance by the Acholi. The moral ambiguity of this situation, in which abducted young rebels are both the victims and perpetrators of brutal acts, is vital in understanding the current conflict.
The creation of government "protected villages" beginning in 1996 further deepened the antagonistic attitude that many Acholi have toward the government, especially as the population continues to be attacked by the LRA even within the "protected camps." The camps are also crowded, unsanitary, and miserable places to live.[5] Meanwhile, in 1997 the Sudanese government of the National Islamic Front had begun to back away from its previous hard-line stance. Following the al-Qaeda attacks in 2001 upon the World Trade Center and The Pentagon in the U.S., the relationship between Sudan and Uganda abruptly changed. Cross-border tensions eased as support to proxy forces fell. Some of the hundreds of thousands of civilians displaced by the war began to return to their homes. The number of people displaced by the conflict declined to about half a million, and people began to talk openly of the day when the "protected camps" would be disbanded.[6]
[edit]
The insurgency flares (March 2002 to September 2005)
Main article: Lord's Resistance Army (2002-2005)
The LRA is led by Joseph Kony. The group has never made a clear statement of its political aims.In March 2002, the UPDF launched a massive military offensive, named "Operation Iron Fist", against the LRA bases in southern Sudan with agreement from the National Islamic Front. This agreement, coupled with the return of Ugandan forces that had been deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo upon the official end of the Second Congo War, created what the Ugandan government felt was an ideal situation in which to end a conflict that had become both an embarrassment and political liability.[7] After several months of uncertainty, LRA forces began crossing back into Uganda and carrying out attacks on a scale and of a brutality not seen since 1995 to 1996, resulting in widespread displacement and suffering in regions that had never previously been touched by the insurgency.[8]
A series of diplomatic initiatives during these years failed, especially as the exact negotiating position of Kony remained uncertain, but the conflict gained unprecedented international coverage. During a November 2003 field visit to Uganda, United Nations Undersecretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Jan Egeland stated, "I cannot find any other part of the world that is having an emergency on the scale of Uganda, that is getting such little international attention."[9] In December 2003, Ugandan President Museveni referred the LRA to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to determine if the LRA is guilty of international war crimes.
From the middle of 2004 on, rebel activity dropped markedly under intense military pressure. The government was also the target of increasingly pointed criticism from the international community for its failure to end the conflict. International aid agencies have questioned the Ugandan government's reliance on military force and its commitment to a peaceful resolution. The army also admitted that it had recruited child soldiers who had escaped the LRA into the military.[10]
In mid-September 2005, a band of LRA fighters, led by Vincent Otti, crossed into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for the first time. President Museveni declared that, if Congolese authorities did not disarm the LRA combatants, the UPDF would be sent across the border in pursuit.[11] This sparked a diplomatic row between the governments of the DRC and Uganda, with both militaries making a show of force along their border, while the Congolese ambassador to the United Nations sent a letter to the UN Secretary-General demanding that an economic embargo be placed on Uganda in retaliation.
[edit]
Recent events
Lord's Resistance Army
HSM - Alice Auma
Joseph Kony - ICC
1987-1994
1994-2002
2002-2005
Bibliography
On 8 July and 27 September 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, and LRA commanders Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odiambo and Dominic Ongwen. The warrants were filed under seal; public redacted versions were released on 13 October 2005, soon after the death of Ongwen in a battle with the UPDF.[12] These were the first warrants issued by the ICC since it was established in 2002. Details of the warrants had been sent to the three countries where the LRA is active: Uganda, Sudan and the DRC. The LRA leadership had long stated that they would never surrender unless they were granted immunity from prosecution, and the ICC order to arrest them seemed to guarantee that the insurgency will not have a negotiated end.[13]
On 30 November 2005 LRA deputy commander, Vincent Otti, contacted BBC announcing a renewed desire among the LRA leadership to hold peace talks with the Ugandan government. The government expressed skepticism regarding the overture but stated their openness to peaceful resolution of the conflict.[14]
On 2 June 2006, Interpol issued five wanted person red notices to 184 countries on behalf of the ICC, which has no police of its own. Kony had been previously reported to have met Vice President of Southern Sudan Riek Machar.[15] The next day, Human Rights Watch reported that the regional government of Southern Sudan had ignored previous ICC warrants for the arrest of four of LRA's top leaders, and instead supplied the LRA with cash and food to stop them from attacking southern Sudanese citizens.[16]
A delegation from the LRA arrived in Juba on 8 June for talks with the government to be mediated by Riek Machar. These talks were agreed to after Kony released a video in May in which he seemed to call for an end to hostilities, in response to an announcement by Museveni that he would guarantee the safety of Kony if a peace was agreed to by July.[17]
[edit]
Effects
A market stall in an IDP campThe insurgency has been historically contained to the region known as Acholiland, consisting of the districts of Kitgum, Gulu, and Pader, though since 2002 violence has overflowed into other Ugandan districts. The LRA has also operated across the porous border region with Southern Sudan and most recently into the northeastern Ituri Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The plight of the affected peoples has received little media coverage in the developed world. Not until April 2004 did the UN Security Council issue a formal condemnation. A 2005 poll of humanitarian professionals, media personalities, academics and activists identified the conflict in the north of Uganda as the second worst "forgotten" humanitarian emergency in the world, after the conflicts of neighboring DRC.[18]
The U.S. government estimates that up to 12,000 people have been killed in the violence, with many more dying from disease and malnutrition as a direct result of the conflict. Nearly two million civilians have been forced to flee their homes, living in internally displaced person (IDP) camps and within the safety of larger settlements, sleeping on street corners and in other public spaces.
War violence experienced by abductees[19]
Witnessed a killing 78%
Tied or locked up 68%
Received a severe beating 63%
Forced to steal or destroy property 58%
Forced to abuse dead bodies 23%
Forced to attack a stranger 22%
Forced to kill a stranger 20%
Forced to kill an opposing soldier in battle 15%
Forced to attack a family member or friend 14%
Forced to kill a family member or friend 8%
The United Nations estimates that around 25,000 children have been kidnapped by the LRA since 1987. While many abductees are taken to carry items looted from raided villages, some are also used as soldiers and sex slaves. The group performs abductions primarily from the Acholi people, who have borne the brunt of the 18 year LRA campaign. A later report based on a 2006 survey of 750 youth in Kitgum and Pader concluded that the UN estimate was an significant underestimate and offered detail that had not previously been gathered. According to the survey, at least 66,000 youth between the ages of 13 and 30 have been abducted. One-third of all boys and one-sixth of all girls had been taken for at least one day. Of these, 66% of males were taken for longer than two weeks, while the equivalent number for females was 46%. If a female was gone for more than two weeks, there was a one in four chance that she had not returned. Males were again found to be taken for longer periods of time on average, with two in five males that were abducted for more than two weeks not having returned. The number of abductions was greatest in 2002 and 2003, perhaps in retaliation for Operation Iron Fist. However, the average age of abductees has risen from about 13 in 1994 to nearly 18 in 2004, coinciding with the rise in number, and fall in length, of abductions.[19]
While the LRA now appears to consist of less than two thousand combatants that are under intense pressure from the Ugandan military, the government has been unable to end the insurgency so far. Ongoing peace negotiations have been complicated by an investigation by the International Criminal Court. The conflict continues to retard Uganda's development efforts, costing the poor country's economy a cumulative total of at least $1.33 billion, which is equivalent to 3% of GDP, or $100 million annually.[20]
Room of child "night commuters"[edit]
Night Commuters
Each night, children between the ages of 3 and 17, referred to as "Night Commuters" or "Night Dwellers", walk up to 20 kilometres (12.45 miles) from IDP camps to larger towns, especially Gulu, in search of safety from the LRA.
There have been several initiatives to raise international awareness for these children, including the "Gulu Walks" and the work of the Uganda Conflict Action Network. It is also the subject of the documentaries Stolen Children, Wardance, and "Invisible Children". The Invisible Children documentary sponsors the Global Night Commute, which is similar to the Gulu Walks. Additionally, "The Name Campaign" asks people to wear nameplate necklaces imprinted with the first name of one of the thousands of abducted children as a means of raising public awareness. Danny Glover and Don Cheadle have both been vocal advocates on behalf of the children of Northern Uganda.
[edit]
Prominent incidents
Attacks, raids and abductions by the Lord's Resistance Army are a commonplace occurrence in northern Uganda, and are rarely reported outside the country. During periods of heightened activity, such as 1996 to 1997 and 2002 to 2004, murders and abductions are reported almost daily. While it would be impractical to list every such attack (and it is unlikely that every incident has been documented), the following is a partial list of incidents that are exceptional either because of the large number of victims, the identity of the victims, or the circumstances of the incident.
Number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), and IDPs as a percentage of total population in northern Ugandan districts.Atiak massacre (April 22, 1995)
Atiak Trading Center in northern Gulu was attacked and the Local Defense Forces routed. Over the course of the day between 170 and 220 civilians were killed in the absence of resistance from government forces.
Helicopter gunship incident (August 31, 1995)
Thirteen civilians, some with their hands tied behind their backs, were killed in a government gunship attack on an LRA column near Lokung, northwest Kitgum. Sixteen LRA combatants were also killed. Critics charged reckless disregard for abductee lives; the government claimed the killings were accidental and unintentional.
Karuma/Pakwach convoy attack (March 8, 1996)
A civilian convoy of over 20 vehicles with a military escort of 14 soldiers travelling west on the Karuma-Pakwach road was ambushed. Between 50 and 110 civilians were killed, most after the escort had been overcome. Some were executed; others were killed after they refused to exit their buses and explosives were thrown inside.
Death of two Acholi elders (8 June 1996)
Mr. Okot Ogony of Cwero, eastern Gulu, Chairman of the Peace Commission of the Council of Acholi Chiefs, and Mr. Olanya Lacony, a respected elder from Kac-Goma, southwestern Gulu, were found murdered near Cwero in still unexplained circumstances. They were the leaders of a local initiative to restart the peace talks that had collapsed in February 1994 and had the approval of the President of Uganda and an invitation from the LRA. Some blame the LRA, while others point to corrupt NRA officers.
Achol-pi Refugee Settlement massacre (July 13 to 14, 1996)
Three separate attacks made upon a settlement of Sudanese refugees in southern Kitgum (now Pader District) administered by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Approximately 100 refugees were killed.
Gulu Town mob killings (August 16, 1996)
Four LRA suspects were turned over to an Acholi mob that beat them to death. The suspects were under government custody and are reported to have been turned over to the mob in the presence of senior Uganda Fourth Division officers.
The Aboke abductions drew international attentionSt. Mary's College/Aboke abductions (October 10, 1996)
At about 2 a.m. about 200 armed men broke into St. Mary's College in Aboke, northern Apac District, and abducted 139 secondary school girls between 13 and 16 years of age before leaving at about 5 a.m. At 7 a.m., the deputy head mistress of the college, Sister Rachele Fassera, pursued the rebels and negotiated the release of 109 of the girls. Five of the thirty remaining girls died in captivity; all but two eventually made their escape, as of 2006.
Lokung/Palabek massacre (January 7 to January 12, 1997)
Up to 412 civilians were killed in and around the subcounties of Lokung and Palabek in northwest Kitgum. There were no opposing forces and most victims were bludgeoned or hacked to death.
Achol-pi Refugee Settlement attacked (August 5, 2002)
Twenty refugees killed in the second major attack on the Achol-pi Refugee Settlement in central Pader District. The 24,000 Sudanese refugees were transferred to safer locations and the settlement disbanded.
Barlonyo massacre (February 21, 2004)
Over 200 civilians at an IDP camp in Barlonyo near Lira Town were murdered. (Photos)
Lira riots (February 25, 2004)
Street protests and riots protesting the government's failure to adequately protect civilians caused at least nine deaths in Lira town. The violence was partly motivated by animosity towards the Acholi, who many Langi collectively blame for the LRA insurgency.
IDP camp fires (January 21 to January 23, 2005)
A series of fires ravaged dry and cramped IDP camps. A fire in Agweng camp in northern Lira district, with 26,000 residents, killed six and left ten thousand homeless on 21 January. The next day 278 homes were burnt down in Apac district's Abok camp. On Sunday, 23 January a fire at Acet camp in Gulu District affected six of seven zones, killing three and burning 4,000 huts, leaving 20,000 homeless.
Attack near Juba (14 September 2005)
Forty LRA rebels crossed the White Nile for the first time and burn houses near Juba, the capital of Southern Sudan, along the road to Yei. Since the rioting that followed the death of John Garang, Juba was almost entirely reliant on food shipped by road by Yei.
Arrest warrants and the International Criminal Court (13 October 2005)
The International Criminal Court released public redacted versions of arrest warrants (issued on 8 July and 27 September 2005) against Joseph Kony, his deputy Vincent Otti, and LRA commanders Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odiambo and Dominic Ongwen. The 5 LRA leaders are charged with crimes against humanity and war crimes including murder, rape, sexual slavery, and enlisting of children (as LRA soldiers).
Attack between Juba and Yei (31 October 2005)
A group of LRA soldiers ambushed a team of humanitarian deminers (from the Swiss Foundation for Mine Action (FSD). Two deminers were killed, one Iraqi and one Sudanese. This follows a previous abduction of a FSD survey team on 13 September (in which the LRA did not kill anyone). OLS and UN Security gave a travel warning to all UN and non-UN agencies on 1 November 2005. The LRA has since declared that it is deliberately targeting NGOs and especially international staff members.
[edit]
Notes and references
^ The LRA has been known by a number of different names, including the Lord's Army (1987 to 1988) and the Uganda Peoples' Democratic Christian Army (UPDCA) (1988 to 1992) before settling on the current name in 1992. Some academics have included the LRA under the rubric Lakwena Part Two. For simplicity's sake, this article refers to all of these various manifestations as the "Lord's Resistance Army".
^ Doom, R. and K. Vlassenroot. "Kony's message: a new koine? The Lord's Resistance Army in Northern Uganda," African Affairs 98 (390), p. 9
^ a b c O’Kadameri, Billie. "LRA / Government negotiations 1993-94" in Okello Lucima, ed., Accord magazine: Protracted conflict, elusive peace: Initiatives to end the violence in northern Uganda, 2002.
^ Gersony, Robert. The Anguish of Northern Uganda: Results of a Field-based Assessment of the Civil Conflicts in Northern Uganda (PDF), US Embassy Kampala, March 1997, and Amnesty International, Human rights violations by the National Resistance Army, December 1991.
^ Dolan, Chris. What do you remember? A rough guide to the war in Northern Uganda 1986-2000 (PDF), COPE Working Paper No. 33, 2000, p. 19, and Weeks, Willard. Pushing the Envelope: Moving Beyond 'Protected Villages' in Northern Uganda (PDF), for UNOCHA Kampala, March 2002, p. 4
^ Weeks, p. 36
^ UGANDA-SUDAN: No rapid solutions in anti-LRA campaign, IRIN PlusNews, 27 May 2002
^ Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions to the War in Northern Uganda (PDF), Refugee Law Project of Makerere University, Uganda, February 2004, p. 32.
^ Uganda conflict 'worse than Iraq', BBC News, 10 November 2003
^ Ugandan army recruiting children, BBC, 15 February 2005
^ DR Congo militia deadline expires, BBC, 30 September 2005
^ Situation in Uganda, International Criminal Court
^ Court moves against Uganda rebels, BBC, 7 October 2005
^ Ugandans welcome rebel overture, BBC, 30 November 2005
^ Interpol push for Uganda arrests, BBC News, 2 June 2006
^ Regional Government Pays Ugandan Rebels Not to Attack, Human Rights News, 3 June 2006
^ LRA rebels arrive for Sudan talks, BBC News, 8 June 2006
^ WHO SAID WHAT: AlertNet ‘forgotten’ emergencies poll, Reuters AlertNet, 9 March 2005
^ a b Research Brief 1: The Abduction and Return Experiences of Youth (PDF), Survey of War Affected Youth (SWAY): Research & Programs for Youth in Armed Conflict in Uganda, April 2006
^ Jeff Dorsey and Steven Opeitum for the Civil Society Organisations for Peace in Northern Uganda (CSOPNU), The Net Economic Cost of the Conflict in the Acholiland Sub-Region of Uganda (PDF), Kampala, September 2002
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord's_Resistance_Army
Yeah I guess people turn a blind eye when it says its Christian.
The conflict forces many civilians to live in internally displaced person (IDP) camps. The Labuje IDP camp (pictured) is near Kitgum Town.Contents [hide]
1 Background
2 Early history of the LRA (1987 to 1994)
3 An international conflict (1994 to 2002)
4 The insurgency flares (March 2002 to September 2005)
5 Recent events
6 Effects
6.1 Night Commuters
7 Prominent incidents
8 Notes and references
9 See also
10 Bibliography and external links
[edit]
Background
The January 1986 overthrow of President Tito Okello, an ethnic Acholi, by the National Resistance Army (NRA) of southwest Ugandan Yoweri Museveni marked a period of intense turmoil. The Acholi feared the loss of their traditional dominance of the national military; they were also deeply concerned that the NRA would seek retribution for the brutal counterinsurgency, particularly the actions of the army in the Luwero triangle.[2] By August of that year, a full-blown popular insurgency had developed in northern regions that were occupied by government forces.
[edit]
Early history of the LRA (1987 to 1994)
Main article: Lord's Resistance Army (1987-1994)
Areas affected by the LRA insurgency post-2002In January 1987 Joseph Kony made his first appearance as a spirit medium, one of many who emerged after the initial success of the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Auma. Former Uganda People's Democratic Army commander Odong Latek convinced Kony to adopt conventional guerrilla tactics, primarily surprise attacks on civilian targets, such as villages. The LRA also occasionally carried out large-scale attacks to underline the inability of the government to protect the populace. Until 1991 the LRA raided the populace for supplies, which were carried away by villagers who were abducted for short periods. The fact that some NRA units were known for their brutal actions ensured that the LRA were given at least passive support by segments of the Acholi population[3]
March 1991 saw the start of "Operation North", which combined efforts to destroy the LRA while cutting away its roots of support among the population through heavy-handed tactics.[4] As part of Operation North, Acholi Betty Oyella Bigombe, the Minister charged with ending the insurgency, created "Arrow Groups" mostly armed with bows and arrows, as a form of local defence. As the LRA was armed with modern weaponry, the bow-and-arrow groups were overpowered. Nevertheless, the creation of the Arrow Groups angered Kony, who began to feel that he no longer had the support of the population. In response the LRA mutilated numerous Acholi who they believed to be government supporters. While the government efforts were a failure, the LRA reaction caused many Acholi to finally turn against the insurgency. However, this was tempered by the deep-seated antagonism towards the occupying government forces.
After the failure of Operation North, Minister Bigombe initiated the first face-to-face meeting between representatives of the LRA and government. The LRA asked for a general amnesty for their combatants and stated that they would not surrender, but were willing to "return home." However, the government stance was hampered by disagreement over the credibility of the LRA negotiatiors and political infighting. In particular, the military had learned that Kony was negotiating with the Sudanese government for support while talking to Bigombe, and felt that Kony was simply trying to buy time. At a second meeting on 10 January 1994, Kony asked for six months to regroup his troops. By early February the tone of the negotiations was growing increasingly acrimonious, and following a meeting on 2 February, the LRA broke off negotiations stating that they felt that the NRA was trying to entrap them. Four days later, President Yoweri Museveni announced a seven-day deadline for the LRA to surrender.[3] This ultimatum ended the Bigombe initiative.
[edit]
An international conflict (1994 to 2002)
Main article: Lord's Resistance Army (1994-2002)
Two women whose lips have been cut off by LRA rebels socialize in Gulu DistrictTwo weeks after Museveni delivered his ultimatum of 6 February 1994, LRA fighters were reported to have crossed the northern border and established bases in southern Sudan with the approval of the Khartoum government.[3] Sudanese aid was a response to Ugandan support for the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) fighting in the civil war in the south of the country. Also, having become convinced that the Acholi were now collaborating with the Museveni government, Kony began to target the civilians using his increased military strength. Mutilations became commonplace, and 1994 saw the first mass forced abduction of children and young people. As most of the LRA combatants are abducted children, a military solution is widely seen by the Acholi as a massacre of victims. Government attempts to destroy the rebels are thus viewed as another cause for grievance by the Acholi. The moral ambiguity of this situation, in which abducted young rebels are both the victims and perpetrators of brutal acts, is vital in understanding the current conflict.
The creation of government "protected villages" beginning in 1996 further deepened the antagonistic attitude that many Acholi have toward the government, especially as the population continues to be attacked by the LRA even within the "protected camps." The camps are also crowded, unsanitary, and miserable places to live.[5] Meanwhile, in 1997 the Sudanese government of the National Islamic Front had begun to back away from its previous hard-line stance. Following the al-Qaeda attacks in 2001 upon the World Trade Center and The Pentagon in the U.S., the relationship between Sudan and Uganda abruptly changed. Cross-border tensions eased as support to proxy forces fell. Some of the hundreds of thousands of civilians displaced by the war began to return to their homes. The number of people displaced by the conflict declined to about half a million, and people began to talk openly of the day when the "protected camps" would be disbanded.[6]
[edit]
The insurgency flares (March 2002 to September 2005)
Main article: Lord's Resistance Army (2002-2005)
The LRA is led by Joseph Kony. The group has never made a clear statement of its political aims.In March 2002, the UPDF launched a massive military offensive, named "Operation Iron Fist", against the LRA bases in southern Sudan with agreement from the National Islamic Front. This agreement, coupled with the return of Ugandan forces that had been deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo upon the official end of the Second Congo War, created what the Ugandan government felt was an ideal situation in which to end a conflict that had become both an embarrassment and political liability.[7] After several months of uncertainty, LRA forces began crossing back into Uganda and carrying out attacks on a scale and of a brutality not seen since 1995 to 1996, resulting in widespread displacement and suffering in regions that had never previously been touched by the insurgency.[8]
A series of diplomatic initiatives during these years failed, especially as the exact negotiating position of Kony remained uncertain, but the conflict gained unprecedented international coverage. During a November 2003 field visit to Uganda, United Nations Undersecretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Jan Egeland stated, "I cannot find any other part of the world that is having an emergency on the scale of Uganda, that is getting such little international attention."[9] In December 2003, Ugandan President Museveni referred the LRA to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to determine if the LRA is guilty of international war crimes.
From the middle of 2004 on, rebel activity dropped markedly under intense military pressure. The government was also the target of increasingly pointed criticism from the international community for its failure to end the conflict. International aid agencies have questioned the Ugandan government's reliance on military force and its commitment to a peaceful resolution. The army also admitted that it had recruited child soldiers who had escaped the LRA into the military.[10]
In mid-September 2005, a band of LRA fighters, led by Vincent Otti, crossed into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for the first time. President Museveni declared that, if Congolese authorities did not disarm the LRA combatants, the UPDF would be sent across the border in pursuit.[11] This sparked a diplomatic row between the governments of the DRC and Uganda, with both militaries making a show of force along their border, while the Congolese ambassador to the United Nations sent a letter to the UN Secretary-General demanding that an economic embargo be placed on Uganda in retaliation.
[edit]
Recent events
Lord's Resistance Army
HSM - Alice Auma
Joseph Kony - ICC
1987-1994
1994-2002
2002-2005
Bibliography
On 8 July and 27 September 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, and LRA commanders Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odiambo and Dominic Ongwen. The warrants were filed under seal; public redacted versions were released on 13 October 2005, soon after the death of Ongwen in a battle with the UPDF.[12] These were the first warrants issued by the ICC since it was established in 2002. Details of the warrants had been sent to the three countries where the LRA is active: Uganda, Sudan and the DRC. The LRA leadership had long stated that they would never surrender unless they were granted immunity from prosecution, and the ICC order to arrest them seemed to guarantee that the insurgency will not have a negotiated end.[13]
On 30 November 2005 LRA deputy commander, Vincent Otti, contacted BBC announcing a renewed desire among the LRA leadership to hold peace talks with the Ugandan government. The government expressed skepticism regarding the overture but stated their openness to peaceful resolution of the conflict.[14]
On 2 June 2006, Interpol issued five wanted person red notices to 184 countries on behalf of the ICC, which has no police of its own. Kony had been previously reported to have met Vice President of Southern Sudan Riek Machar.[15] The next day, Human Rights Watch reported that the regional government of Southern Sudan had ignored previous ICC warrants for the arrest of four of LRA's top leaders, and instead supplied the LRA with cash and food to stop them from attacking southern Sudanese citizens.[16]
A delegation from the LRA arrived in Juba on 8 June for talks with the government to be mediated by Riek Machar. These talks were agreed to after Kony released a video in May in which he seemed to call for an end to hostilities, in response to an announcement by Museveni that he would guarantee the safety of Kony if a peace was agreed to by July.[17]
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Effects
A market stall in an IDP campThe insurgency has been historically contained to the region known as Acholiland, consisting of the districts of Kitgum, Gulu, and Pader, though since 2002 violence has overflowed into other Ugandan districts. The LRA has also operated across the porous border region with Southern Sudan and most recently into the northeastern Ituri Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The plight of the affected peoples has received little media coverage in the developed world. Not until April 2004 did the UN Security Council issue a formal condemnation. A 2005 poll of humanitarian professionals, media personalities, academics and activists identified the conflict in the north of Uganda as the second worst "forgotten" humanitarian emergency in the world, after the conflicts of neighboring DRC.[18]
The U.S. government estimates that up to 12,000 people have been killed in the violence, with many more dying from disease and malnutrition as a direct result of the conflict. Nearly two million civilians have been forced to flee their homes, living in internally displaced person (IDP) camps and within the safety of larger settlements, sleeping on street corners and in other public spaces.
War violence experienced by abductees[19]
Witnessed a killing 78%
Tied or locked up 68%
Received a severe beating 63%
Forced to steal or destroy property 58%
Forced to abuse dead bodies 23%
Forced to attack a stranger 22%
Forced to kill a stranger 20%
Forced to kill an opposing soldier in battle 15%
Forced to attack a family member or friend 14%
Forced to kill a family member or friend 8%
The United Nations estimates that around 25,000 children have been kidnapped by the LRA since 1987. While many abductees are taken to carry items looted from raided villages, some are also used as soldiers and sex slaves. The group performs abductions primarily from the Acholi people, who have borne the brunt of the 18 year LRA campaign. A later report based on a 2006 survey of 750 youth in Kitgum and Pader concluded that the UN estimate was an significant underestimate and offered detail that had not previously been gathered. According to the survey, at least 66,000 youth between the ages of 13 and 30 have been abducted. One-third of all boys and one-sixth of all girls had been taken for at least one day. Of these, 66% of males were taken for longer than two weeks, while the equivalent number for females was 46%. If a female was gone for more than two weeks, there was a one in four chance that she had not returned. Males were again found to be taken for longer periods of time on average, with two in five males that were abducted for more than two weeks not having returned. The number of abductions was greatest in 2002 and 2003, perhaps in retaliation for Operation Iron Fist. However, the average age of abductees has risen from about 13 in 1994 to nearly 18 in 2004, coinciding with the rise in number, and fall in length, of abductions.[19]
While the LRA now appears to consist of less than two thousand combatants that are under intense pressure from the Ugandan military, the government has been unable to end the insurgency so far. Ongoing peace negotiations have been complicated by an investigation by the International Criminal Court. The conflict continues to retard Uganda's development efforts, costing the poor country's economy a cumulative total of at least $1.33 billion, which is equivalent to 3% of GDP, or $100 million annually.[20]
Room of child "night commuters"[edit]
Night Commuters
Each night, children between the ages of 3 and 17, referred to as "Night Commuters" or "Night Dwellers", walk up to 20 kilometres (12.45 miles) from IDP camps to larger towns, especially Gulu, in search of safety from the LRA.
There have been several initiatives to raise international awareness for these children, including the "Gulu Walks" and the work of the Uganda Conflict Action Network. It is also the subject of the documentaries Stolen Children, Wardance, and "Invisible Children". The Invisible Children documentary sponsors the Global Night Commute, which is similar to the Gulu Walks. Additionally, "The Name Campaign" asks people to wear nameplate necklaces imprinted with the first name of one of the thousands of abducted children as a means of raising public awareness. Danny Glover and Don Cheadle have both been vocal advocates on behalf of the children of Northern Uganda.
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Prominent incidents
Attacks, raids and abductions by the Lord's Resistance Army are a commonplace occurrence in northern Uganda, and are rarely reported outside the country. During periods of heightened activity, such as 1996 to 1997 and 2002 to 2004, murders and abductions are reported almost daily. While it would be impractical to list every such attack (and it is unlikely that every incident has been documented), the following is a partial list of incidents that are exceptional either because of the large number of victims, the identity of the victims, or the circumstances of the incident.
Number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), and IDPs as a percentage of total population in northern Ugandan districts.Atiak massacre (April 22, 1995)
Atiak Trading Center in northern Gulu was attacked and the Local Defense Forces routed. Over the course of the day between 170 and 220 civilians were killed in the absence of resistance from government forces.
Helicopter gunship incident (August 31, 1995)
Thirteen civilians, some with their hands tied behind their backs, were killed in a government gunship attack on an LRA column near Lokung, northwest Kitgum. Sixteen LRA combatants were also killed. Critics charged reckless disregard for abductee lives; the government claimed the killings were accidental and unintentional.
Karuma/Pakwach convoy attack (March 8, 1996)
A civilian convoy of over 20 vehicles with a military escort of 14 soldiers travelling west on the Karuma-Pakwach road was ambushed. Between 50 and 110 civilians were killed, most after the escort had been overcome. Some were executed; others were killed after they refused to exit their buses and explosives were thrown inside.
Death of two Acholi elders (8 June 1996)
Mr. Okot Ogony of Cwero, eastern Gulu, Chairman of the Peace Commission of the Council of Acholi Chiefs, and Mr. Olanya Lacony, a respected elder from Kac-Goma, southwestern Gulu, were found murdered near Cwero in still unexplained circumstances. They were the leaders of a local initiative to restart the peace talks that had collapsed in February 1994 and had the approval of the President of Uganda and an invitation from the LRA. Some blame the LRA, while others point to corrupt NRA officers.
Achol-pi Refugee Settlement massacre (July 13 to 14, 1996)
Three separate attacks made upon a settlement of Sudanese refugees in southern Kitgum (now Pader District) administered by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Approximately 100 refugees were killed.
Gulu Town mob killings (August 16, 1996)
Four LRA suspects were turned over to an Acholi mob that beat them to death. The suspects were under government custody and are reported to have been turned over to the mob in the presence of senior Uganda Fourth Division officers.
The Aboke abductions drew international attentionSt. Mary's College/Aboke abductions (October 10, 1996)
At about 2 a.m. about 200 armed men broke into St. Mary's College in Aboke, northern Apac District, and abducted 139 secondary school girls between 13 and 16 years of age before leaving at about 5 a.m. At 7 a.m., the deputy head mistress of the college, Sister Rachele Fassera, pursued the rebels and negotiated the release of 109 of the girls. Five of the thirty remaining girls died in captivity; all but two eventually made their escape, as of 2006.
Lokung/Palabek massacre (January 7 to January 12, 1997)
Up to 412 civilians were killed in and around the subcounties of Lokung and Palabek in northwest Kitgum. There were no opposing forces and most victims were bludgeoned or hacked to death.
Achol-pi Refugee Settlement attacked (August 5, 2002)
Twenty refugees killed in the second major attack on the Achol-pi Refugee Settlement in central Pader District. The 24,000 Sudanese refugees were transferred to safer locations and the settlement disbanded.
Barlonyo massacre (February 21, 2004)
Over 200 civilians at an IDP camp in Barlonyo near Lira Town were murdered. (Photos)
Lira riots (February 25, 2004)
Street protests and riots protesting the government's failure to adequately protect civilians caused at least nine deaths in Lira town. The violence was partly motivated by animosity towards the Acholi, who many Langi collectively blame for the LRA insurgency.
IDP camp fires (January 21 to January 23, 2005)
A series of fires ravaged dry and cramped IDP camps. A fire in Agweng camp in northern Lira district, with 26,000 residents, killed six and left ten thousand homeless on 21 January. The next day 278 homes were burnt down in Apac district's Abok camp. On Sunday, 23 January a fire at Acet camp in Gulu District affected six of seven zones, killing three and burning 4,000 huts, leaving 20,000 homeless.
Attack near Juba (14 September 2005)
Forty LRA rebels crossed the White Nile for the first time and burn houses near Juba, the capital of Southern Sudan, along the road to Yei. Since the rioting that followed the death of John Garang, Juba was almost entirely reliant on food shipped by road by Yei.
Arrest warrants and the International Criminal Court (13 October 2005)
The International Criminal Court released public redacted versions of arrest warrants (issued on 8 July and 27 September 2005) against Joseph Kony, his deputy Vincent Otti, and LRA commanders Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odiambo and Dominic Ongwen. The 5 LRA leaders are charged with crimes against humanity and war crimes including murder, rape, sexual slavery, and enlisting of children (as LRA soldiers).
Attack between Juba and Yei (31 October 2005)
A group of LRA soldiers ambushed a team of humanitarian deminers (from the Swiss Foundation for Mine Action (FSD). Two deminers were killed, one Iraqi and one Sudanese. This follows a previous abduction of a FSD survey team on 13 September (in which the LRA did not kill anyone). OLS and UN Security gave a travel warning to all UN and non-UN agencies on 1 November 2005. The LRA has since declared that it is deliberately targeting NGOs and especially international staff members.
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Notes and references
^ The LRA has been known by a number of different names, including the Lord's Army (1987 to 1988) and the Uganda Peoples' Democratic Christian Army (UPDCA) (1988 to 1992) before settling on the current name in 1992. Some academics have included the LRA under the rubric Lakwena Part Two. For simplicity's sake, this article refers to all of these various manifestations as the "Lord's Resistance Army".
^ Doom, R. and K. Vlassenroot. "Kony's message: a new koine? The Lord's Resistance Army in Northern Uganda," African Affairs 98 (390), p. 9
^ a b c O’Kadameri, Billie. "LRA / Government negotiations 1993-94" in Okello Lucima, ed., Accord magazine: Protracted conflict, elusive peace: Initiatives to end the violence in northern Uganda, 2002.
^ Gersony, Robert. The Anguish of Northern Uganda: Results of a Field-based Assessment of the Civil Conflicts in Northern Uganda (PDF), US Embassy Kampala, March 1997, and Amnesty International, Human rights violations by the National Resistance Army, December 1991.
^ Dolan, Chris. What do you remember? A rough guide to the war in Northern Uganda 1986-2000 (PDF), COPE Working Paper No. 33, 2000, p. 19, and Weeks, Willard. Pushing the Envelope: Moving Beyond 'Protected Villages' in Northern Uganda (PDF), for UNOCHA Kampala, March 2002, p. 4
^ Weeks, p. 36
^ UGANDA-SUDAN: No rapid solutions in anti-LRA campaign, IRIN PlusNews, 27 May 2002
^ Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions to the War in Northern Uganda (PDF), Refugee Law Project of Makerere University, Uganda, February 2004, p. 32.
^ Uganda conflict 'worse than Iraq', BBC News, 10 November 2003
^ Ugandan army recruiting children, BBC, 15 February 2005
^ DR Congo militia deadline expires, BBC, 30 September 2005
^ Situation in Uganda, International Criminal Court
^ Court moves against Uganda rebels, BBC, 7 October 2005
^ Ugandans welcome rebel overture, BBC, 30 November 2005
^ Interpol push for Uganda arrests, BBC News, 2 June 2006
^ Regional Government Pays Ugandan Rebels Not to Attack, Human Rights News, 3 June 2006
^ LRA rebels arrive for Sudan talks, BBC News, 8 June 2006
^ WHO SAID WHAT: AlertNet ‘forgotten’ emergencies poll, Reuters AlertNet, 9 March 2005
^ a b Research Brief 1: The Abduction and Return Experiences of Youth (PDF), Survey of War Affected Youth (SWAY): Research & Programs for Youth in Armed Conflict in Uganda, April 2006
^ Jeff Dorsey and Steven Opeitum for the Civil Society Organisations for Peace in Northern Uganda (CSOPNU), The Net Economic Cost of the Conflict in the Acholiland Sub-Region of Uganda (PDF), Kampala, September 2002
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord's_Resistance_Army
Yeah I guess people turn a blind eye when it says its Christian.
Jersay said:
It is led by Joseph Kony, who proclaims himself a spirit medium, and apparently wishes to establish a state based on his unique interpretation of Biblical millenarianism.
and you like to play games were you draw attention away from the point at hand
ITN you said that islamic terroism outwieghs all other, and jersay provided an alternative school of terroism that has done arguably more damage, whether they are christian or not(which jersay never said) is irrelvant to the fact that there are plenty of terroist groups that outwieghs islamic
I think not said:
The only danger i see right now, is guys like you , who are paranoi enough to send troops on the other side of the planet based on a lie, and i don't consider islamic terrorism as a threat, far from it,but you are a real threat to world peace.
vulpine said:
The point (and topic of the thread) is Islam and the world, not Christians and the world, not Atheists and the world
vulpine said:
Jersay always makes a point to bring another group into the mix because he "feels" racism and bigotry is the name of the game. I acknowledge all forms of terrorism whether they are Christian or not. I can care less, they should all be dealt with equally.
aeon said:
You only see me as a danger because your $10 conspiracy leftist moonbat websites tell you to do so. They think for you, I admit they do a good job of it.
I think not said:
Good. Racism and Bigotry exists in the world. And it can be seen with only Islamic terrorism targetted.
vulpine said:
Not really. When Christians come streaming out of their churches on Sunday shaking their fists in the air yelling "death to this" and "death to that" because an animated preacher worked them into a frenzy with a sermon about how they should "Tear down their Altars, smash their standing stones, cut down their sacred poles, and set fire to their idols...For you are a people consecrated to Yahweh", then you'll have made your point. In the meantime, quoting obscure passages of the bible that no one pays attention to doesn't mean anything. Sure there's violence in the bible. There's violence in Sponge Bob Square Pants. Who cares. It's what's preached, believed, and acted upon that matters.
Just the Facts said:
They rioted in Israel after their church was attacked by a Jewish demented man. They protested in Pakistan, and they have killed thousands in Uganda. So get your head out of your ass about Christians not doing the same thing as Muslims.