Continued from above:
The scholar explained that "Al-Sabah owns Kuwait. Al-Thani owns Qatar. Al-Saud owns Saudi Arabia. Dubai has very little oil, but it's run by one family, al-Maktoum, so it can thrive." This family-based governance model contrasts sharply with the Palestinian Authority's attempt to create a national identity that supersedes traditional clan loyalties.
Kedar argued that the Palestinian Authority's nationalist project "failed, and the proof is Hamas," which prioritizes radical Islamic ideology over Palestinian nationalism. Meanwhile, the clan system has endured: "Somebody from Hebron – not only will he not move to another West Bank town because he will be viewed as a foreigner, but even in Hebron he will not move to another neighborhood that belongs to another clan."
Hebron's clans possess particular strength compared to other Palestinian cities. "Hebron is much more traditional, much more conservative, especially compared to Ramallah," Kedar observed. "Hebron will be the test case for this idea of the emirates." The initiative's architects expect Hebron to establish a precedent for change in other West Bank cities, potentially beginning with Bethlehem.
The
Wall Street Journal noted that traditional clan legitimacy differs fundamentally from organizations like the PLO and Hamas. "Organizations like the PLO and Hamas try to construct their legitimacy on Jew-hatred and hatred of Israel. But the clans are legitimate by definition," Kedar explained. "They don't need an external enemy to frighten everybody to come under the aegis of an illegitimate ruler."
Sheikh Jaabari emphasized the Palestinian Authority's inability to provide security, stating that it "can't protect us, it can't even protect itself." His fellow sheikhs warned that the PA could permit an October 7-style attack on Israel, after which they expect the West Bank to resemble Gaza's current devastation. However, one prominent Hebron sheikh expressed optimism: "If we will get the blessing of honorable President Trump and the United States for this project, Hebron could be like the Gulf, like Dubai."
This vision aligns with former President Trump's May 13 speech in Saudi Arabia, where he presented Middle Eastern nations with a choice between becoming like Iran or like the Gulf states. The
Wall Street Journalreported that the sheikhs have clearly made their decision in favor of the Gulf model.
The initiative's progress has faced timing challenges, with the first five sheikhs initially prepared to proceed at the end of Ramadan after signing the letter on March 24. Barkat requested delays while Israel focused on Gaza operations and then Iran, but he reminds Israeli officials that the sheikhs have risked their lives and operate on their own timeline.
Many additional sheikhs have joined since March, and the leadership expresses confidence in having numerical and military advantages over the Palestinian Authority. "The people are with us," one sheikh declared. "Nobody respects the PA, nobody wants them." The only delay factor is Israel's protective relationship with the Palestinian Authority.
The plan faces significant obstacles within Israel's security establishment. The
Wall Street Journal reported that if the sheikhs' armed men take action, the question remains whether the Israel Defense Forces and Shin Bet security agency would oppose them. Barkat characterized this as a choice between "habit over reason," noting that "Since Oslo, 30 years ago, the Israeli security services have been instructed to work with the PA. It's all they know."
While the Shin Bet declined to comment to
The Wall Street Journal, political and security sources indicated that the agency considers the Palestinian Authority crucial for combating West Bank terrorism and has internally opposed the sheikhs' plan. Concerns include potential violence or chaos in other West Bank cities where sheikhs lack preparation, and the IDF has also raised concerns.
Retired Major General Gadi Shamni, who commanded IDF Central Command from 2007-09, expressed skepticism about clan-based governance. "How do you deal with dozens of different families, each of them armed, each under its own control?" he asked. "The IDF would be caught in the crossfire – it would be a mess, a disaster." Shamni rejected the notion that "the national aspirations of Palestinians will disappear and you can deal with each tribe separately."
However, retired Brigadier General Amir Avivi, founder of the Israel Defense and Security Forum, offered a contrasting perspective. He characterized the Palestinian Authority as "the central incubator of terrorism, via school indoctrination and pay-to-slay salaries" and suggested the Shin Bet might reconsider when David Zini, Netanyahu's right-wing nominee, assumes agency leadership.
Avivi has met Sheikh Jaabari multiple times and considers him serious, particularly given his success in rallying numerous other sheikhs. "If Israel's position is that the PA can't be allowed to rule in Gaza because they're terrorists and they're corrupt, why are they OK to rule in the West Bank?" he questioned.
The sheikhs claim they can remove the Palestinian Authority from Hebron within a week or even a single day, depending on their approach's aggressiveness. "Just don't get involved," one leading Hebron sheikh advised Israel. "Be out of the picture." They believe Trump's support could secure Netanyahu's approval.
The clan leaders assert their capability and motivation to combat terrorism effectively. "We know who makes problems and who doesn't because we live in our land," one explained. Ideology and extremism threaten the tribal loyalty and economic pragmatism that undergird the sheikhs' authority.
The
Wall Street Journal noted that critics might argue the sheikhs simply want to extract rents currently claimed by the Palestinian Authority. However, the competition's nature reveals the Palestinian Authority's weakness. An Israeli associate showed a video of Palestinian Authority Hebron governor Khaled Doudin complaining in a January 4 speech that the sheikhs' men fire at PA forces but not at Israel.
Palestinian Authority security forces already face restrictions in the sheikhs' neighborhoods and would risk their lives appearing there without prior Israeli coordination. A 2007 incident demonstrated the clans' power when Palestinian police killed a teenage Jaabari clan member. When the Palestinian Authority refused Sheikh Jaabari's father's demand to surrender the shooter, the sheikh's men seized the police station, burned 14 vehicles, and held 34 officers hostage.
The confrontation ended only when President Mahmoud Abbas capitulated, declaring the deceased teenager a martyr and providing lifetime compensation to his family. Since then, the Palestinian Authority has maintained diminished influence in the area.
When asked about concerns that his coexistence vision might be considered a betrayal of Palestinian aspirations, Sheikh Jaabari responded dismissively: "The betrayal was done in Oslo. You forgot, but I remember – 33 years of it," referring to false promises, violence, theft, and poverty despite billions in Western aid. "I believe in my path," the sheikh concluded. "There will be obstacles, but if we confront a rock, we will have iron to break it."
Hebron's most powerful clan leader Sheikh al-Jaabari says "We want cooperation with Israel." The 48-year-old tells The Wall Street Journal: "There will be no
www.israelhayom.com
Sheikh Wadee’ al-Jaabari — one of the most influential leaders in Hebron, the West Bank’s largest region — urged Israel and President Trump, who oversaw the Abraham Accords in his first term,…
nypost.com
Dr. Mordechai Kedar, an expert on the Muslim world, told JNS that the sheikhs' letter to Economy Minister Nir Barkat represents "a turning point."
www.jns.org
The leaders suggest transforming the territory into an independent emirate with ‘zero tolerance’ for terrorism
www.thejc.com
en.wikipedia.org