B.C. pipeline protests continue to halt Ontario trains for 5th day in a row

Mowich

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Who wants to come with me to subvert the protests?

It's on their dime according to Greta.


:thumbleft::thumbleft::thumbleft:
 

Jinentonix

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Only a racist wouldn't want to see the Wet'suwet'en benefit economically from Canada's resource sector. Or certain "Hereditary" Chiefs who would rather play identity politics because financially secure people are harder to control.


The eco-colonialists have managed to pit Native against Native in Canada. Something that hasn't been done since before Confederation. What a moment of pride for Canada. And those racist, shit-bag leftards cheer it as a good thing.
 

Mowich

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At the heart of all the protests, illegal blockades and the bitching and moaning of native activists is the question of land title.

Unfortunately, due to the obstinate entrenchment of many FN bands over the issue of which of them actually has title and where boundaries should be drawn, the talks drag on with lawyers raking in millions, native communities in desperate need of employment, better social services, clean drinking water and all the other necessities of life denied them.

The hypocritical rabid activists refuse to acknowledge the truth of this situation because the issue would be laid right back at their own door - where it belongs. No level of government can change that fact and they too must stand on the side lines waiting for the dust to settle. If the aforementioned activists gave a shit about improving the lives of all FNs, they would start talking to those bands embroiled in the stand-off. Nothing will change until land title is settled for every band in Canada so I would suggest that the mouthpieces who say they are acting on behalf of FNs get off their collective bums and start working towards that goal.
 

Mowich

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Jonathan Kay – Meet Canada’s new racists : our self-mortifying ‘progressive’ urbanites

Next year will mark a quarter century since the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) released its final report, a five-year undertaking that laid out a proposed architecture for a new relationship between the Canadian government and its Indigenous peoples.

As Canada remains convulsed by a full-blown economic and transportation crisis that has utterly paralyzed our governments, it’s useful to look back at that landmark document to see how we failed.

The blueprint contained in the RCAP report was, in some ways, fundamentally unrealistic. (One key recommendation, for instance, was that Canada’s 600-plus Indigenous communities would voluntarily consolidate into 60 to 80 regional agglomerations that would share wealth and power among themselves.) But in other ways, the RCAP earned praise and respect — even from some conservatives, such as University of Calgary professor Tom Flanagan, who noted that the commissioners were focused on leading Indigenous people out of the welfare traps that exist on reserves.

Seen by today’s lights, moreover, the RCAP report was a laudably plain-spoken and practical document. The commissioners weren’t primarily interested in denouncing Canada as a genocide state, or dwelling on esoteric thoughtcrimes connected to language and art.

They wanted to help Indigenous communities assert their legitimate legal and constitutional rights, encourage “the enhancement of educational and economic opportunities,” and thereby build “healthier and happier neighbourhoods” within the context of Canada’s federal union: The goal of Indigenous peoples “is not to undo the Canadian federation; their goal is to complete it.” On the ground, this means the encouragement of “mixed economies that rely in part on traditional modes of harvesting renewable resources, and through fuller engagement of Aboriginal individuals and institutions in wage and market economies.”

Certainly, too few Indigenous communities have achieved these goals. But it is notable that the vision here is fundamentally practical and measurable, since what the commissioners were describing is basically the same thing we all want: food on the table, a safe community, opportunities for our children, personal dignity, and a sense of autonomy and political empowerment. Completely absent from the report were the absurd verbal rhapsodies that punctuate more recent reports, which present Indigenous peoples as “sacred” and fetishize “2SLGBTQQIA” subcommunities. The goal of the RCAP commissioners in 1996 was to improve people’s lives, not earn ASCII hand-claps.

The humanitarian situation within many Indigenous communities remains Canada’s signature human-rights disgrace — and will remain so until Indigenous leaders and federal politicians co-operate to find an alternative path for people trapped in remote areas with no prospect of self-sufficiency. Yet to revisit RCAP is to understand that much progress has been made. Central to the RCAP vision was the idea of “Aboriginal peoples” as respected “partners in the Canadian enterprise.” This included “the primary objective” of giving Indigenous groups “more control over their own affairs by reducing unilateral interventions by non-Aboriginal society and regaining a relationship of mutual recognition and respect for differences.”

Putting these ideas into reality over the past three decades has been difficult, because there still remains no clear-cut way of reconciling Indigenous land claims with Canadian sovereignty — especially in areas of Canada (B.C. most notably) that aren’t governed by treaties. But thanks to the laborious, expensive and often frustrating efforts of Indigenous bands, activists, lawyers, judges, politicians and, yes, even CEOs, we have ended up with a process whereby First Nations are owed a duty of consultation before projects are constructed on their traditional lands.





In this regard, the 670-kilometre Coastal GasLink Pipeline from northeastern B.C. to Kitimat arguably presents a case study in the RCAP vision. The consultations began in the early 2010s, and resulted in agreements with all 20 elected First Nations bands along the path of the pipeline — including the Wet’suwet’en. It also includes about $1 billion in contracts awarded to local businesses. There were more than 100 in-person meetings with the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs — including those who do not formally represent their local constituents, but whose complaints have become the central moral focus of the current nationwide protests and barricades.

The system of federally and provincially mandated consultations and approvals is now so extensive, in fact, that Coastal GasLink effectively took on the role of professional cultural preservationist. Having been instructed by Wet’suwet’en leaders in the legend of the Kweese War Trail — a mythologized path containing the bodies of Wet’suwet’en soldiers — the company’s engineers and archeologists hunted for artifacts, and worked to protect the areas specified on maps provided by the Wet’suwet’en. Given all this, is it hardly a surprise that the majority of rank-and-file Wet’suwet’en members support the pipeline project, and that opposition within the community seems largely confined to a small clique of middle-aged men with a strong sense of inherited entitlement.

The RCAP commissioners were hardly ignorant of the manner by which pipelines can affect Indigenous communities: They were writing in the shadow of controversial Canadian megaprojects, including the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline, which had played a key role in galvanizing the modern Indigenous rights movement in the first place.

In fact, the founding meeting of the Inuit Circumpolar Council in 1977 was convened by Eben Hobson, an Alaska heavy-equipment-operator-turned-mayor who’d witnessed the power imbalance between local Inuit and the multinational companies developing the Trans-Alaska Pipeline. As the RCAP commissioners approvingly put it, Hobson “knew the poverty and lack of services available to his own people, and he used the compensation money and authority from the land claim settlement to create a strong regional government.”

Fast forward a half century, and this is exactly what B.C. First Nations are trying to do. Except unlike Hobson, they are partnering with companies and governments that don’t merely regard them as collateral damage on the path of industrial development. That’s progress.

Hobson died 30 years ago in his hometown of Utqiagvik. (His birthday, Nov. 7, marks International Inuit Day, incidentally.) So I have no way of knowing what he would think about the GasLink pipeline. But even if he would oppose it in general terms, I do think he’d be proud of the enlightened, co-operative system of consultations that’s informed the project — a system indirectly inspired by his own advocacy and activism.

But I also think he would be utterly shocked to see cynical actors all across Canada — from street protesters, to self-appointed Toronto-based Indigenous advocates with tenured six-figure jobs, to hash-tagging urban journalists — completely ignoring the will of the Wet’suwet’en people, their meticulously negotiated agreements, and their desire for a better life. For generations, white Canadians built up their communities and supported their families with the fruits of industrial development. But now that the children and grandchildren of those white industrial workers have desk jobs as graphic designers and image consultants, these pampered hypocrites are looking to pull the rug out from under Indigenous peoples who are seeking the same path to socioeconomic advancement.

As Trudeau and his Indigenous services minister have been floundering about, they have predictably lashed out at critics, vaguely suggested them to be servants of racism. Though such claims are nonsense, Indigenous people themselves can hardly be faulted for worrying that the current crisis will reawaken racist sentiments. “Non-Aboriginal settler society was well served by a belief system that judged Aboriginal people to be inferior,” the RCAP commissioners wrote. “Based originally on religious and philosophical grounds, this sense of cultural and moral superiority would be buttressed by additional, pseudo-scientific theories, developed during the nineteenth century, that rested ultimately on ethnocentric and racist premises.”

Well, guess what? “Ethnocentric and racist premises” are still holding Canada’s Indigenous peoples back — but in the exact opposite way we have traditionally feared. What the RCAP commissioners could not have predicted is that social media (which was then unknown), along with the associated rise of social justice and environmentalism as de facto religious movements among progressive urbanites, would breath new life into old toxic noble-savage stereotypes.

Thus the now daily spectacle of white people in Toronto, Ottawa and Vancouver demanding that we strip away democratic Indigenous autonomy and thereby deny them the benefits of resource development in their own backyard. Ye these ethnocentrists aren’t the racists and corporate CEOs of yore. Instead, it’s self-mortifying progressives who conceive of Indigenous peoples as shamanistic ewoks who must be shielded from modern society. What alternative route will Indigenous people take to economic development? Modern progressives either don’t care, or simply revert to some vaguely imagined Avatar-inspired fantasy whereby they will subsist on the fruits of the earth and the telepathically conveyed moral righteousness of their enlightened white knights at the CBC and Toronto Star.

The cult of the noble savage has existed in Canada for generations, having peaked a century ago during the time of Grey Owl, and then surged back again following the false dawn of the RCAP era. Maybe one day, our chattering classes will recognize that Indigenous people are neither “inferior” creatures nor exalted flesh-and-blood extrapolations of our own Rousseauian daydreams. They’re human beings who deserve respect, fair treatment and the same opportunities our own ancestors enjoyed. Is that too much to ask?

nationalpost.com/opinion/jonathan-kay-meet-canadas-new-racists-our-self-mortifying-progressive-urbanites
 

petros

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Candice George
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·
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I asked elders from different clans.

How do you feel about people, who are not Wetsu’wet’en, or who have not asked you for your guidance, and they are speaking on your behalf? (They watch the news)

Answer: “Why do they do that? I’m right here. My tongue is not broken!”
 

petros

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‘That’s not the way of our ancestors’: Wet’suwet’en matriarch speaks out about pipeline conflict
NANCY MACDONALD
HOUSTON, B.C.
PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 20, 2020
UPDATED 8 HOURS AGO

A Wet’suwet’en hereditary subchief who helped translate a seminal Supreme Court decision that laid the foundation for greater control for Indigenous communities over their land says she opposes the blockades that have been roiling the country.

Rita George also said Thursday that she and other matriarchs have been feeling sick about the conflict and how it has split their community. She said the opposing hereditary chiefs and some of the people around them – including outside activists who have embedded themselves in the protest camp – have disrespected ancient feast-house traditions of how to treat one another.

Ms. George said it caused her great pain to have to exercise her leadership by speaking out against some of her own and particularly those outsiders who have turned her northern British Columbia community into a battleground over issues of climate change policy, resource extraction and reconciliation.

STORY CONTINUES BELOW ADVERTISEMENT


“I want the world to know why I am stepping forward as a matriarch,” the trim, curly-haired 80-year-old said in an emotional interview at the Pleasant Valley Cafe in Houston, B.C. “The world thinks the matriarchs are behind all the protests going on and that’s not true. None of the matriarchs were contacted.”

A group of Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs opposed to construction of the Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline have been mounting a years-long campaign to have the project halted. The pipeline is needed to feed natural gas to an eventual LNG facility, an $18-billion export terminal slated for Kitimat that carries the economic hope of the region.

Leaders of the 20 elected bands along the pipeline route have endorsed the project, but eight hereditary house chiefs representing the five Wet’suwet’en clans are firmly opposed and have been maintaining a protest camp at the construction site. After a judge ordered the area to be cleared for workers last December, the RCMP moved in, prompting a cascade of solidarity protests across the country, blockading rail lines and snarling commuter traffic.


Ms. George belongs to the elected Wet’suwet’en First Nation, which is part of the Wet’suwet’en Nation. She is both a band member and part of the hereditary system.

“There is no love, there is no respect. That’s not the way of our ancestors,” Ms. George said, saying she is speaking on behalf of the matriarchs and elders of her community. “If I keep quiet, if I don’t come forward to address our point of view, it will look like we are supporters. We are not.”

Ms. George says she was a young woman when her Wet’suwet’en community selected her for a leadership role that she knew she would spend a lifetime fulfilling.

A grandmother of 10 who speaks Witsuwit’en, Ms. George was once entrusted by her community to help translate the landmark Supreme Court of Canada decision in Delgamuukw. That case established for the first time that aboriginal title had not been extinguished. The case was fought by the Wet’suwet’en and neighbouring Gitxsan.

STORY CONTINUES BELOW ADVERTISEMENT


Ms. George said the current influx of outside protesters who are pursuing their own policy goals has put a damper on the exchange of opinions inside the community. Instead, she said even the elders are afraid to voice their concerns.

“I want the world to know what’s been happening to us. We are being bullied, it’s so shameful, so hurtful. We are being humiliated."

Ms. George said she has spent several sleepless nights preparing to speak out against what is happening in her community. She said she has been worried about causing more pain, but she said it is also important that the truth be told.

She said she wants her community to have the time and quiet to discuss these important issues among themselves in an atmosphere of peace and respect. She decried the inability of those who oppose the pipeline to listen to community members who may disagree with them.

“I have had my name, The Bear That Sleeps All Winter Long, since 1964,” Ms. George said, referring to the feast house ceremony that gave her a name, Gulaxkan, and with it, endowed her with a leadership role.

“It hurts me to see them [pipeline opponents] wearing regalia in the snow and mud and marching in the cities. That’s not right. That’s affecting all of us. Our ancestors would say they are dirtying the names and the regalia."
 

Mowich

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Posthaste: Wet’suwet’en blockades already a bigger hit to Canada’s economy than the CN Rail strike


Blockades that have crippled Canada’s rail network over the past few weeks are already proving a bigger hit on the economy than the CN strike in November, economists say.

Protesters have blocked rail lines across the country in support of the Wet’suwet’en opposition to the Coastal GasLink pipeline project in B.C. The most disruptive has been a blockade set up Feb. 6 on the Quebec to Windsor line near Belleville, Ont. which shut down CN’s eastern freight network and Via Rail’s passenger service.

Rail freight data for last week showed that traffic fell 18%, compared to the week before the blockades began, said Capital Economics senior Canada economist Stephen Brown. Since CN only completely shut down its eastern network at the end of last week, rail freight probably fell further this week.

The disruption has led to shortages of fuel and other supplies across the country, ramping up the pressure on the Canadian government to resolve the crisis. But even if the blockades are lifted in the next few days and rail service returns to normal, Capital estimates freight traffic will be down 10% to 15% in February.

During the week-long CN Rail strike in November freight declined by just 0.9%, with a total hit to the economy of about 0.1%. The blockades, on the other hand, could shave 0.25% off February’s GDP and Capital is cutting its forecast for the first quarter from 1.8% to 1.5% growth.

Is this likely to influence the Bank of Canada? “Given the temporary nature of disruption, the blockades are unlikely to tip the scales toward an interest rate cut unless they last much longer,” said Brown.

business.financialpost.com/executive/posthaste-wetsuweten-blockades-already-a-bigger-hit-to-canadas-economy-than-the-cn-rail-strike
 

pgs

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Posthaste: Wet’suwet’en blockades already a bigger hit to Canada’s economy than the CN Rail strike


Blockades that have crippled Canada’s rail network over the past few weeks are already proving a bigger hit on the economy than the CN strike in November, economists say.

Protesters have blocked rail lines across the country in support of the Wet’suwet’en opposition to the Coastal GasLink pipeline project in B.C. The most disruptive has been a blockade set up Feb. 6 on the Quebec to Windsor line near Belleville, Ont. which shut down CN’s eastern freight network and Via Rail’s passenger service.

Rail freight data for last week showed that traffic fell 18%, compared to the week before the blockades began, said Capital Economics senior Canada economist Stephen Brown. Since CN only completely shut down its eastern network at the end of last week, rail freight probably fell further this week.

The disruption has led to shortages of fuel and other supplies across the country, ramping up the pressure on the Canadian government to resolve the crisis. But even if the blockades are lifted in the next few days and rail service returns to normal, Capital estimates freight traffic will be down 10% to 15% in February.

During the week-long CN Rail strike in November freight declined by just 0.9%, with a total hit to the economy of about 0.1%. The blockades, on the other hand, could shave 0.25% off February’s GDP and Capital is cutting its forecast for the first quarter from 1.8% to 1.5% growth.

Is this likely to influence the Bank of Canada? “Given the temporary nature of disruption, the blockades are unlikely to tip the scales toward an interest rate cut unless they last much longer,” said Brown.

business.financialpost.com/executive/posthaste-wetsuweten-blockades-already-a-bigger-hit-to-canadas-economy-than-the-cn-rail-strike
It’s all good , budgets balance themselves .
 

Mowich

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Wet’suwet’en supporters say ‘suspicious’ RCMP promise to pull back merely a publicity stunt

As the federal government announced that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police had offered to pull back from a forestry service road in the British Columbia interior, supporters of the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs said they’re suspicious of the announcement, saying direct discussions with the chiefs are needed.

(Note to the chiefs - they don't have to meet with you and the only ones pulling publicity stunts are the so-called hereditary chiefs.)

They also said they expected Coastal GasLink to take workers off the territory.

(Not happening and if you want the RCMP gone then best you realize that the workers are their to stay and if you threaten them, the RCMP will be back)

“The RCMP, I think in a very appropriate pursuit of less confrontation and in the goal of peacekeeping, have agreed to continue to serve the area but by locating their people in a nearby town,” said Public Safety Minister Bill Blair Thursday morning.

Blair said he felt that given that offer, blockades and protests around the country must end.

But, in a lengthy press conference put on Thursday afternoon by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs and the British Columbia Civil Liberties Association, featuring indigenous spokespeople and David Suzuki, who offered a long and rambling diatribe against fossil fuels, speakers said they were skeptical of the legitimacy of Bill Blair’s announcement.

Molly Wickham, Wet’suwet’en Gidimt’en Clan spokesperson, whose traditional name is Sleydo’, told reporters that the police hadn’t “officially engaged” with the hereditary chiefs at the centre of the controversy regarding a 670-kilometre natural gas pipeline that crosses traditional Wet’suwet’en territory.

“It’s suspicious to me that government and RCMP would publicly state that they’ve met our conditions without having spoken to our hereditary leadership, to our traditional governance,” Wickham said. “It feels a lot like a media strategy, an attempt to defuse the direct action from coast to coast that we’ve been seeing in support and solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en people.”

(Folks like you will believe anything but the truth and BTW, the RCMP are under no obligation to meet with your so-called chiefs.)

The press conference had been called to discuss the response to a BCCLA complaint that had been filed with the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the RCMP alleging Mounties unlawfully restricted access to a remote logging road in northern British Columbia before they enforced an injunction this month on behalf of Coastal GasLink.

(Bull puckey - nothing but. Lies and more lies from a group of people who are becoming very adept at just that. Not a single shred of proof to back your erroneous claims.)

But, portions of the press conference were devoted to discussing ongoing concerns regarding the relationship between supporters of the hereditary chiefs, the RCMP and the dispute over a major natural gas pipeline between Dawson Creek, B.C. and Kitimat, B.C.

On Wednesday, the B.C RCMP sent a letter to the hereditary chiefs, agreeing to discuss the potential relocation from their temporary detachment along a forest service road used to access construction of the $6.6-billion Coastal GasLink pipeline, to the town of Houston, B.C.

Staff Sgt. Janelle Shoihet says the letter states that if there is continued commitment to keep the road open, the need for the police presence is “diminished or decreased.”

But, Smogelgem, hereditary chief of the Fireweed clan, tweeted that “(The RCMP’s) harassment of our people and supporters continues. Now they’ll simply base their Mounties out of the local town of Houston,” Smogelgem wrote. “They are trying to instruct us to continue letting CGL do their work and ignore the eviction that we served them with. OUR EVICTION STANDS!”

(So sorry, but your eviction has absolutely no basis in law. You don't have a leg to stand on by insisting it does. The work is and will continue and if you don't want the RCMP protecting the workers then back-off and go home because you are on the wrong side of this issue.)

Meanwhile, the Mohawk Nation announced it will meet with the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs who had travelled from British Columbia in a “people’s council” on Friday. They will meet on Mohawk territory, near Belleville, Ont., where a solidarity protest along the Canadian National Railway line has brought train traffic to a standstill across eastern Canada.

(Anyone else wonder why the Mohawk didn't travel to meet with the so-called hereditary chiefs so they could see for themselves what the fuss was all about? Ah well those chiefs from BC are well paid by the Tides foundation so no problem paying for all of them to travel East.)

The Mohawk Nation said there will be a tobacco burning at daybreak; police and media are not welcome.

(Yeah.........cause burning it is better for your health than smoking it. LOL)

The Wet’suwet’en chiefs won’t meet with cabinet ministers in Ottawa while in eastern Ontario, said one of the hereditary chiefs
Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett and Indigenous Services Minister Marc Miller said on Parliament Hill today that they’re eager to meet the Wet’suwet’en chiefs.

(Keeping bending over Carolyn it has worked well for the libs so far, eh.)

But that won’t be possible with three senior chiefs remaining in northern British Columbia, because the group must make decisions as a unit.

https://nationalpost.com/news/wetsu...promise-to-pull-back-merely-a-publicity-stunt
 

Twin_Moose

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Opinion: If you want to see the rule of law, come to Alberta

Anatomy of a blockade in Alberta: Rail blockade begins in the morning. Justice minister says he won’t put up with any crap. Premier takes questions about the blockade at a press conference. He supports his justice minister, telling the public CN Rail is seeking an injunction and he expects Edmonton police to do their jobs and enforce it. Injunction granted. Papers served. A posse of helpful Alberta working guys show up with a pickup truck to assist with “clearing debris from the tracks.” Media start posting pictures of the tracks cleared. And just like that, it’s over before the afternoon commute.
Then the social media outrage begins.
Conservative party leadership candidate Peter MacKay voices on Twitter exactly what most people are thinking: “Glad to see a couple Albertans with a pickup truck can do more for our economy in an afternoon than Justin Trudeau could do in four years.”
That tweet didn’t earn the favour of Toronto columnist Andrew Coyne who weighed in: “Did a leading candidate for Conservative leader just endorse vigilantism as a response to railway barricades?” Much lively commentary and condemnation ensues.
Duly chastened, MacKay deletes the tweet.

Conservative trans tweeter Tiffany (one of my favourite follows @tiffanyrg9) tweets: “MacKay’s original tweet was my favourite thing I’ve seen from him in the leadership race. Really not impressed with him deleting it after a little bit of media pearl clutching. We need a leader who can stick to their guns on this stuff.”
She’s right. I think most people were watching videos of those Alberta men with more than a little pride at how quickly and peacefully it all went down........More
 

Twin_Moose

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Several dozen protesters still blocking CN rails in Saint-Lambert despite injunction

The number of protesters blocking commuter trains on the Mont-Saint-Hilaire line near Saint-Lambert station on Montreal's South Shore have dwindled, but about a dozen stayed overnight Thursday despite being served with an injunction.
On Thursday, Canadian National Railway (CN) announced it had obtained an injunction to dismantle a rail blockade that's been in place since about noon Wednesday.
Quebec Premier François Legault told reporters that "we will dismantle the blockade" once the injunction is served.
He said Longueuil police would be in charge and use force if necessary.
Longueuil police are keeping watch on the blockade but have not moved in to dismantle it or try to remove the protesters by force, as suggested by the premier.
Police said they would give a reasonable amount of time for protesters to leave on their own after being handed the injunction. They didn't specify when they planned to move in and enforce the injunction.
The injunction was served to protesters at the site around 7 p.m. on Thursday.
Before there were as many as 50 protesters on the site, but some chose to leave. Once the sun came up Friday morning, the group grew to about 30.
Protesters are there in a show of solidarity for Wet'suwet'en hereditary chiefs in BC, who are against a pipeline passing through traditional territory.
The Mont-Saint-Hilaire line is the second commuter train route to be disrupted in the greater Montreal region. A blockade in Kahnawake, on Montreal's South Shore, has forced Exo to cancel travel on its Candiac line since Feb. 10.
Legault said the Kahnawake blockade will not be dismantled by the Quebec government, because it is on Mohawk territory.
Many of the protesters in Saint-Lambert are young people and students, the majority of which are not Indigenous.
There have also been railway protests in Listiguj, along the Baie-des-Chaleurs.
Gary Metallic, a Mi'kmaq hereditary chief in the Gaspé, said the Quebec government should refrain from using force to end the protest.
"I always said that it's better to have a peaceful solution than to do what some people, like the premier of Quebec, are saying — send in the troops. No, you can't do that because history shows us, you know, 1990, the Oka crisis," he said.
Legault has been calling on Ottawa to do something to end the railway stoppages across the country.
 

Mowich

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Opinion: If you want to see the rule of law, come to Alberta
Coyne used to be relevant - then he got 'woke' and now does little but spew virtue-signalling garbage. If he is stupid enough to call a few brave Edmontonians cleaning up the thugs garbage 'vigilantism', he obviously needs to consult a dictionary. And if the blockades don't come down soon, he just might get a taste of the real thing.