Finder said:
I think as the seculerization of the Republic most caused by the economic bomb of the 90's, I think it may be possible in the near future for the North of Ireland to be included into the Republic.
I think there is NO chance, even in 100 years, of Northern Ireland joining the rest of Ireland. According to polls, only around 30% of the people living in the Republic believe there will be a United Ireland within the next 50 years or so and around 62% (and in some polls even more) of the people of Northern Ireland wish to remain as a part of the United Kingdom. Even 24% of Northern Ireland's CATHOLICS wish to remain in the United Kingdom.
And even if Northern Ireland eventually DOES break away from Britain, what makes you think it'll become part of a United Ireland? It may wish to be an independent nation, neither a part of Britain nor a part of the Republiuc of Ireland.
All these statistics show that Northern Ireland RIGHTFULLY is a part of the UK.
According to Wikipedia...
Demographics and politics
In the 2001 census, 45.5% of the Northern Irish population were Protestant, (Presbyterian, Church of Ireland, Methodist and other Protestant denominations), and 40.3% of the population were Roman Catholic. 13.9% of the population did not give a religion. Population in Northern Ireland: breakdown by religious denomination, Census 2001
A majority of the present-day population (62%, according to a 2004 survey) wish to remain part of the United Kingdom, but a significant minority (22%) want to see a united Ireland. Official voting figures show 54% of NI vote Pro Unionist parties, and 42% voting for Pro Nationalist parties and 4% vote "other". It can be hard to give a fair figure without a Province wide vote on the matter. Almost the entire population of Northern Ireland is at least nominally Christian. The ethno-political loyalties are allied, though not absolutely, to the Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations and these are the labels used to categorise the opposing views. This is however, becoming increasingly irrelevant, as the Irish Question is very complicated. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are attracted to Unionism's, free-market policies and "let's get down to business attitude". While other voters are instead attracted to the traditionally leftist, nationlist SDLP and its party platform for Social Democracy. A majority of Protestants feel a strong connection with Great Britain and wish for Northern Ireland to remain a part of the United Kingdom. Many Catholics desire a greater connection with the Republic of Ireland, with 42% of Catholics, according to a 2004 survey, supporting a united Ireland.
According to the same 2004 survey, 24% of Northern Irish CATHOLICS want Northern Ireland remaining a part of the United Kingdom (Catholic Unionist). Official voting figures, again, have these figures much HIGHER.
Protestants have a slight majority in Northern Ireland, according to the latest N. Ireland Census. Most Protestant themselves as Unionists (i.e. want Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom) and most Catholics are Nationalists (i.e. want a united Irish Republic). There are however many who hold a position on the border that is at odds with the label of their "community" or reject these labels completely. The 2004 Irish life and Times survey showed that 29% of Protestants and 36% of Catholics define themselves as neither Nationalist nor Unionist.[2] Some of the Catholics of N. Ireland have Unionist sympathies (see Catholic Unionist), as some Protestants have Nationalist sympathies (see Protestant Nationalist).
The make-up of the Northern Ireland Assembly reflects these divisions within the population. Of the 108 members, 59 are Unionists and 42 are Nationalist (the remaining seven are classified as "other"). Although the Protestant population is the majority, the largest religious denomination is the Roman Catholic Church, followed by the Presbyterian Church in Ireland,the Church of Ireland, and the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster with the Methodist Church coming fourth.
The two opposing views of British unionism and Irish nationalism are linked to deeper cultural divisions. Unionists are predominantly Protestant and often descendants of mainly Scottish, English, Welsh settlers and indigenous Irishmen who had converted to one of the Protestant denominations. In the Protestant community there is also a considerable Huguenot influnce.
Nationalists are predominantly Catholic and usually descend from the population predating the settlement. Discrimination against nationalists under the Stormont government (1921–1972) gave rise to the nationalist civil rights movement in the 1960s. Many unionists argue that any discrimination was not just because of religious or political bigotry, but also the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-political and geographical factors. This eventually led to a long-running conflict known as The Troubles and the political unrest has gone through its most violent phase in recent times between 1968–1994.
The main actors have been the Provisional IRA and other republican groups determined to end the union with Great Britain, and the Royal Ulster Constabulary, British army and various loyalist paramilitary groups who were defending it. As a consequence of the worsening security situation, self-government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Since the mid 1990s, the main paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, has observed an uneasy ceasefire. Following negotiations, the Belfast Agreement of 1998 provides for an elected Northern Ireland Assembly, and a power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive comprising representatives of all the main parties. These institutions have been suspended since 2002 because of unionist impatience at the pace of Sinn Féin's movement away from its associations with the Provisional IRA, which reached breaking point after PSNI allegations of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly, although nobody was convicted after a high-profile police operation.
On 28 July, 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and have since decommissioned what is thought to be all of their arsenal. This act was performed in accordance with the Belfast Agreement 1998, and under the watch of the International Decommissioning Body and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however, remain skeptical.
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