Why the (left's) propaganda war on UKIP has failed
	
	
	
		
		
		
		
	
	
                 
	
	
	
		
		
		
		
	
	
                                                                                         Frank Furedi Commentator and sociologist
Spiked
6th May 2014
61 comments 
Farage’s popularity exposes the aloofness of the political class
                                                                                                      The British media and the political class  almost never speak from the same script. So their crusade against UKIP  and its leader, Nigel Farage, is very interesting. During recent weeks,  all the major newspapers and media organisations have devoted  considerable resources to exposing this ‘nefarious’ movement. On an  almost daily basis, you can read stories about a would-be UKIP parish  councillor discovered watching pornography online or an aged party  supporter who still believes, rightly, of course, that Britain actually won the Second World  War. One exposé after another has reiterated the wisdom of Conservative  prime minister David Cameron’s careful, balanced assessment of UKIP’s  membership: ‘fruitcakes and loonies and closet racists.’ Yet despite the  efforts of a small army of courageous investigative journalists,  endlessly trawling social media for quotable UKIP 
faux pas, these fruitcakes, loonies and closet racists are still doing well in the polls.
  Those attempting to account for the media’s failure to make much of a  dent in UKIP’s support usually draw attention to the supposed moral and  intellectual inferiority of its supporters. From the standpoint of a  Westminster political consultant, the typical UKIP voter is a  disgruntled, prejudiced idiot who simply fails to grasp the  sophisticated messages of the political oligarchy. ‘We haven’t educated  people as to what they are all about – UKIP voters need to be educated’,  asserts Glyn Ford, Labour’s former European Parliament leader.  Education is what you demand of naughty schoolchildren.
  The call to ‘educate’ UKIP voters self-consciously infantilises adult  citizens and voters, implicitly reducing them to the status of  slow-learning children. From Ford’s perspective, UKIP supporters are  clearly his moral inferiors, people who lack the capacity to grasp that  perpetuating the status quo is in their best interests. The premise of  Ford’s call for educating ‘them’ is best captured by the expression used  by the American cultural elite towards their moral inferiors – ‘they  don’t get it’. The term expresses a comforting sense of self-flattery – ‘
we get it’. It draws attention to the stupidity of ‘they’.
  But if anyone is ‘not getting it’, it’s the inhabitants of the  Westminster bubble. They simply do not understand why, on this occasion,  the propaganda targeting UKIP has had so little effect. Sections of the  media have dubbed Nigel Farage the Teflon man of British public life.  From their perspective, it seems as if nothing that gets thrown at him  sticks. What this analysis fails to grasp is that what is at issue is  not the unique qualities of Nigel Farage, but the feeble character of  the rhetorical assault directed at him.
  The invectives hurled at Farage have been smirking, patronising and  lazy. Deputy prime minister Nick Clegg sounded as if he was addressing  his media trainer rather than the British public during his so-called  debates with Farage. The constant overuse of terms like ‘racist’  trivialises this terrible worldview and deprives it of meaning. What  mainstream politicians and the media don’t get is that the very attempt  to humiliate UKIP, reducing it to the role of xenophobic simpletons, is  seen by a section of the public as an expression of contempt towards  them.
                             
                                                                                                    Last Sunday, an opinion poll indicated that  UKIP continues to enjoy a lead in voting intentions for the upcoming  European elections, even though most people believe that the party  contains racists. This poll can be interpreted in a number of different  ways. Some will draw the conclusion that Britain is the most racist  society in the world, a place where popular prejudice drives public  life. This seems to be the interpretation adopted by the consultants  advising the political class. That is why the constant political-class  refrain about these ‘nasty xenophobes’ is punctuated by advice that it  is a ‘mistake’ to condemn UKIP and their voters as racist. This call to  desist from constantly playing the racist card is founded on hypocrisy  and bad faith. It is based on the calculation that would-be UKIP voters  are indeed driven by intense hatred and prejudice, and reminding them of  the racism of their party would merely consolidate support for it.
	
	
	
		
		
		
		
	
	
		 
	 
  From the standpoint of Britain’s political oligarchy, anyone who  fails to adhere to its cosmopolitan cultural doctrine must indeed be a  bigot or a racist. The description of ordinary people as racist and  bigoted is an integral element of the British establishment’s  vocabulary. 
It’s just that politicians have now drawn the conclusion  that it is best to keep their contemptuous views of the electorate to  themselves. They remember poor Gordon Brown’s ‘Bigotgate’ moment, when,  during the 2010 General Election campaign, he referred to a 65-year-old  woman who asked him about immigration as a ‘bigoted woman’.  Unfortunately for Brown, his microphone was still on as he made his  outburst and the rest is history. The lesson drawn from Bigotgate is  that it is best not to refer to the millions of bigots who make up a  significant portion of the electorate as what they really are - in the  prime minister’s words, ‘fruitcakes and loonies and closet racists’.
  Another way of interpreting last Sunday’s poll is that ‘racist’ has  become a promiscuously used term of abuse. When some people hear an act  described as racist, they associate it with the attempt to assign a  character flaw to an individual or a group. ‘Racist’ has become a term  that is applied routinely to any target of displeasure. The use of the  word racism is rarely confined to attitudes and acts of oppression. It  is used as a cultural marker to underline one’s morally superior  qualities and, by implication, to devalue those afflicted with  prejudice. That is why there is such a relentless quest to unearth  ‘racist’ remarks and to reinterpret gestures and sentiments as racist.  The very fact that racism and racist language now need to be exposed  indicates that racism is not a public act. Nor does an act of racism  require subjective intent. That’s what the Orwellian concept of  ‘unwitting racism’ is all about.
  
Politics of bad faith
	
	
	
		
		
		
		
	
	
  It is not merely the case that, when it comes to UKIP, the establishment doesn’t get it. The establishment also 
can’t  get it, because to acknowledge the genuine dynamic behind UKIP’s  support would mean facing up to its own isolation from large sections of  the British public. In reality, the failure of the current media  campaign against UKIP shows that the members of the political  establishment are confronted by a substantial group of voters whose  values and way of life contradict their social etiquette and cultural  assumptions. However, rather than face up to its isolation from a  significant section of the electorate, the political class continues to  evade taking responsibility for its own failures.
  The main reason the parliamentary parties have failed to contain  UKIP’s rise in the polls is because they lack the arguments to win over  the electorate. That is why it is far from clear what Ford’s proposed  education of voters would teach. Time and again, the establishment  argues that UKIP is merely a negative party of protest with no positive  objective. No doubt UKIP lacks a robust forward-looking manifesto and a  positive vision of the future. But what do the other parties stand for?  One would need a PhD in the finer nuances of theology to grasp the  positive principles that define Labour or the Conservatives. Indeed,  anyone listening to major parliamentary figures today will be  immediately struck by the energy they invest in evading discussing  points of principle.
  Until now, the close symbiotic relationship between the media and the  political class has helped to obscure the fact that these little  emperors have a very limited wardrobe. Whatever one thinks of UKIP, its  challenge has exposed the flabby and self-referential worldview of the  second-rate Anthony Trollope characters that inhabit the Westminster  world.
  Back in the nineteenth century, the Conservative politician Benjamin  Disraeli drew attention to the existence of ‘two different nations  [within British society], between whom there is no intercourse and no  sympathy; who are as ignorant of each other’s habits, thoughts and  feelings, as if they were dwellers in different zones, or inhabitants of  different planets’. Disraeli was referring to the division between rich  and poor. Whatever one thinks of Disraeli, he did not write off those  inhabiting a different world; he sought to convince his fellow  parliamentarians that it was their duty to understand those who lived in  circumstances very different to themselves, and to make an effort to  communicate with them.
  In the twenty-first century, what separates the ‘two nations’ in  Britain are cultural attitudes and values. Unlike Disraeli, who openly  acknowledged the reality of his time, today’s political oligarchy hides  behind empty rhetoric. Unlike Disraeli, who could empathise with the  other nation, the current establishment has only contempt for those  ‘fruitcakes, loonies and closet racists’. Whatever happens to UKIP, the  problems thrown up by the co-existence of two nations will continue to  haunt British society.
	
	
	
		
		
		
		
	
	
  Frank Furedi’s latest book, 
First World War: Still No End in Sight, is published by Bloomsbury. (Order this book from 
Amazon (UK).) Visit his website 
here. 
  
Picture: Wikimedia / Euro Realist Newsletter
Why the propaganda war on UKIP has failed | British politics | Politics | spiked