Cut it down to the meat.
I think you can get around the felon argument by allowing judges to put a lifetime ban on the possession of firearms as part of the sentence at the time of sentencing. If that is not constitutionally possible, then I guess ex-felons, once their sentence and all post-prison time is served, they get to own guns.
The mentally ill are a more distressing problem. I've had both a cousin and a good friend fall seriously mentally ill, and believe me, neither of were in the mental condition to have firearms. Neither did, thank God. Both were, however, involuntarily sent to mental hospitals........which I imagine constitutes a temporary (at least) judgement of non compos mentis. The thing is they were released long long before their respective deaths, and they were never cured. My cousin actually, was murdered.
So, after that convoluted attempt to duck the question, I would advocate for more comprehensive judgement of incapacity........and say once again, if not possible, you've got to allow then their rights.
I have no idea what a "civil protection order" is, being Canadian. I assume what we call a restraining order.........but is that not a part of the criminal law?
Yep, a restraining order, sometimes called a stay-away order. Same thing. But no, it is not a criminal matter. The victim, usually a woman, files for one against a victimiser, usually a man with whom she was in a domestic relationship, and she need only prove that she has a reasonable fear of him. Shouting, threatening, punching the walls, throwing dishes, destroying possessions, all things not necessarily criminal, can serve as bases. And the standard of proof is only "preponderance of the evidence," not "beyond a reasonable doubt," the criminal standard, nor even "clear and convincing evidence."
Of course, such an order can also accompany criminal matters, such as assault. In many states, persons with such orders standing against them may not own guns.
Either way, I think we've established that supposedly unlimited right to keep and bear arms that shall not be infringed is, in point of fact, infringed in many ways, just as almost all of our Bill of Rights rights are.
Next up is whether or not the types of arms available to the people can be limited. This is where we start to deal with that middle ground, between war machines and one-man weapons, things like grenades (hand or launched), automatic rifles, and one-man rocket launchers. These things are tightly controlled in the U.S., called Class III weapons. Further, automatic weapons can no longer be manufactured or imported for sale in the U.S., except to governmental entities or specially-licensed holders.
And I'm sure you know that the subject matter of
Miller in 1939 was a sawn-off shotgun, and the Supreme Court upheld the power of the state to ban it. Similarly, Justice Scalia, writing for the majority in
Heller, specifically restated that
Miller remains good law in the U.S., and governments retain the power to ban "unusual and dangerous" weapons.
Thus we have both classes of people, and classes of weapons, that lie outside the protection of the bare-bones text of the Second Amendment and its equivalent rules in English and Canadian law. And this is completely consistent with limitations on other rights that are unconditionally stated in the laws of our countries. The right of free speech is not absolute (the classic examples of shouting "Fire!" in a crowded theatre, incitement to riot, or lewd behavior toward minors). Nor is the right to be free of search and seizure. Even in the Fourth Amendment, the text says "
unreasonable search and seizure," (emphasis mine). If a suspected felon runs into his house and slams the door, the cops need no warrant to break down the door and get him, for example. Ditto the Fifth Amendment prohibition on taking property. It need only be for a public purpose and fairly compensated.
Even when there is no limiting language in the statement of the right, the long-held American formulation is that the government may abrogate a right if doing so serves a "compelling government interest," and the restriction is "narrowly tailored to serve that interest." Both of those things can be tested in court, but if they pass the test, the infringement of the right stands. That is what Scalia was talking about when he upheld the power of the government to ban "unusual and dangerous" weapons.
And I must say, it seems sensible to me. Such an exercise of government power must clear significant hurdles: the political unpopularity of restricting rights, followed by a careful court analysis of the quality of the interest and the tailoring of the restriction. It is worth noting that the 1990s "assault weapon ban" passed Constitutional muster, but failed the political test, and was therefore not renewed when the law sunsetted.
This, in a nutshell, is the American approach to fundamental Constitutional rights. And it makes at least as much sense as the strained constructions you want to put on criminal sentences and the handling of people with mental problems. Either way, you end up with infringement of the right that "shall not be infringed."
Logically, you must accept that the right CAN be infringed for good cause, or you must declare your support for allowing people with mental problems, convicted felons who have served their time, abusive domestic partners, and even minors in many cases, to keep and bear any kind of one-man weapon they feel like, including grenades, automatic weapons, rocket launchers, and flamethrowers.
I am ready to hear your counterargument, or if you concede my argument, we can move on to what is the "compelling government interest" in gun control, and what is "narrow tailoring of the restriction" to satisfy that interest whilst leaving as much of the right as possible intact.
I would point out that doing that, finding a way to restrict the right for good cause while leaving it as widely in force as possible, is basically the same thing you're trying to do in your post above.