Inside Gitmo North

I think not

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EXCLUSIVE: After being held without charge for five years, terrorism suspect Mahmoud Jaballah speaks out from the special, high-security facility built just for him and two others near Kingston

January 06, 2007
michelle shephard
Staff Reporter


BATH, Ont.–In neat handwriting that fills three pages are Mahmoud Jaballah's complaints about daily life inside this $3.2 million portable surrounded by barbed wire that was built for him and two other Toronto terrorism suspects.

He fidgets with the paper on the desk in front of him while he speaks quickly during an interview this week inside the holding centre west of Kingston, dubbed "Guantanamo North" by its critics. A guard sits beside him, staring straight ahead.

"There's no privacy here," says Jaballah, giving a nod to the guard with the unwavering deadpan stare.
But beyond his list of grievances about the daily conditions of his detention on the grounds of the Millhaven federal penitentiary looms the larger issue of the detention itself.

Jaballah and two other detainees held here stand accused by Canada's spy service of belonging to organizations with connections to Al Qaeda – claims they deny. They have been held for more than five years. None have been charged criminally but remain detained here in legal limbo.

The government has ordered them deported to their birth countries of Egypt and Syria, but the men say they will be tortured if they return and, so far, the lower courts here have agreed it's not an option.
They were moved last April to this holding centre in response to previous complaints about their detention in a Toronto jail. The permanency of this costly facility also sent the signal that the government doesn't expect their release anytime soon.

The Supreme Court is expected to rule as early as next week on the constitutionality of the immigration legislation that put these men behind bars. One argument before the court questions the lawfulness of a process that allows the government to provide secret evidence to the federal court justice reviewing the case – keeping the detainee from viewing or attempting to refute the private allegations.

The Supreme Court's ruling will add to international case law now building from high courts in the U.K., Australia and U.S., as the West grapples with restrictions on civil rights in the name of national security.
"It will be a significant watershed in where we're going in Canada and what type of legal system we're going to have," says long-time civil rights lawyer Paul Copeland, who argued before the Supreme Court that Parliament should be forced to re-draft the legislation.

"Canada is one of the leaders generally on justice issues so it's critically important not only to Canada, but the world is watching, too."

There are five cases pending against Muslim men ordered deported due to national security certificates – a provision of the immigration act that has been in effect for more than a decade but has come under heavy criticism only since 9/11. The two other men from Ottawa and Montreal have been granted bail under strict conditions.

Another case against Sri Lankan refugee Manickavasagam Suresh, alleged to be a fundraiser for the Tamil Tigers, has been ongoing for more than a decade. But the case appears inactive since the Supreme Court ruled in 2002 that Suresh could not be deported due to the risk he faced back home. For now, Suresh is required to report to a government official once a week, but is otherwise free to live without restrictions in his home north of Toronto.

Those who support national security certificates argue that evidence must in certain cases be presented in secret to protect sources. Sometimes, in the murky world of terrorism and espionage, criminal trials are not an option for security threats, government lawyers have argued in support of the legislation.

They point to last month's deportation of an alleged Russian spy on a national security certificate as proof that the immigration legislation is effective. The unnamed man agreed to return to Russia after he was detained and accused of spying in Canada for the last 10 years, and was quickly flown out of the country.
But Jaballah says that's not an option for him and although he's also allowed to leave Canada for a third country, it's unlikely any country would accept someone accused of terrorist connections.

"If I didn't have any problem in my country I would not stay here in the jail for one minute. I would take my kids and I'd leave. Why would I keep myself here in jail for five years?" he says as he again tugs at his list of complaints.

Known officially as the Kingston Immigration Holding Centre, the new detention centre where Jaballah is held with Hassan Almrei and Mohamed Mahjoub is a two-hour drive from Toronto and sits on an expansive property overlooking Lake Ontario.

Visitors must pass through a series of gates to get to the facility, similar to the procedure at its neighbouring maximum-security penitentiary.

The holding centre consists of one portable, housing a common area and six cells equipped with televisions. Outside is a strip of asphalt with a picnic bench that the detainees use when allowed outdoors, and a ramp that leads to another building with a gym, medical room and visiting area stocked with board games and Lego.

The facility allows him to visit with his family without a Plexiglas partition. Every couple of weeks his wife, Husnah al-Mashtouli, and children come to sit with him. It was in this room he recently met his eldest daughter's new baby, his first grandchild. His second youngest son, 10-year-old Ali, says this is the only vacation he wants to take.

"Without my dad we do not go on any vacations. My dad plays with us and he helps us with lots of stuff and it's like something's missing in the family, which is him," says Ali during an interview with his family in their Scarborough home as the family's pet budgies chirp noisily in the background.

But Jaballah complains that while the accommodations are now better than those in Toronto's West Detention Centre, there are restrictions here, and he claims he has had problems with some of the guards. This is what troubles him the most these days, he says, as he begins to read out his list again.

It's not the first time that claims about the conditions of their detention have been fought publicly. Almrei even waged a lengthy federal court case three years ago to win the right to wear a pair of shoes during the winter at the Toronto detention centre.

Jaballah says he is now on a hunger strike with the two other detainees that has lasted more than a month in an effort to bring attention to their complaints.

The Canada Border Services Agency (the government department responsible for their detention) disputes their claim, saying since they still consume more than just water, they are instead on a "voluntary fast." The agency also disputes many of the individual allegations made by the detainees.

Jaballah says he'll continue protesting until the conditions of his detention change or he is released.
But the upcoming Supreme Court decision won't lead to Jaballah going home this month. Even if the court rules the process that brought him here is unconstitutional, the government contends that Jaballah still poses a security risk if released.

The federal court judge that reviewed the certificate and the secret evidence found it "reasonable" to conclude that Jaballah was connected with the Egyptian Al Jihad and was a "communications link" for the 1998 bombing attacks on U.S. embassies in East Africa that killed more than 200.

A Canadian Security Intelligence Service agent, identified in court only as J.P., testified earlier in his bail hearing that Jaballah would be a threat to national security even if he were under constant supervision. CSIS alleges Jaballah believes he is on a "God-ordained mission" to commit terrorist acts and "there is no reason to believe he would abandon the cause."

Jaballah will go back to court in February to continue a bail hearing and try to convince a federal court justice he would not pose a risk if released. His lawyer, Barbara Jackman, says she'll argue that after five years in jail, and with the precedent now of two other terrorism suspects released on bail without incident, Jaballah should be granted release with conditions.

http://www.thestar.com/News/article/168467
 

gopher

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CIA's Abuses

http://writ.lp.findlaw.com/mariner/20061206.html

Stephen Grey's new book, Ghost Plane: The True Story of the CIA Torture Program, is part exposé, part analytic essay, and part detective story. By speaking to dozens of sources -- including former and current CIA operatives, prosecutors, pilots, diplomats, lawyers, journalists, plane-spotters and prisoners -- and by poring over countless flight records, Justice Department memos, and other documents, Grey has managed to piece together a vivid history of the CIA's secret program of interrogation, detention and torture.
The book offers a complex yet gripping account of how the Bush Administration chose to deal with suspected terrorists in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. Cofer Black, the CIA's head of counterterrorism, put the matter succinctly: "After September 11, the gloves came off." Grey's narrative fills in some of the missing detail, although he is careful to acknowledge that there is still much about the CIA's detainee operations that remains hidden.
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Grey reports that he was first alerted to the CIA program by Porter Goss, at that time a Member of Congress (and later, the head of the CIA). In December 2001, then-Representative Goss told Grey about the CIA's use of a technique called "rendition," which Goss described as "a polite way to take people out of action and bring them to some type of justice."
Grey's book, published nearly five years later, shows that the program is far from polite and has little to do with justice. Suspects are snatched up, flown abroad, and tossed into torture chambers. Some are probably guilty of serious crimes; others are not. Neither the innocent nor the guilty are given any fair opportunity to plead their case.
Tracing the Global Pattern
The book opens with a few chilling histories of suspects whose interrogation was "outsourced," via the rendition program, to countries where torture is a routine practice. Interrogators in Syria beat dual Canadian-Syrian citizen Maher Arar with electric cables. Morocco torturers made cuts in the penis of Ethiopian national Binyam Mohamed while he screamed.
Both of these men, and many hundreds, and perhaps thousands, of others, were delivered to their torturers via CIA transport. And it was the CIA's use of private executive jets to ferry prisoners around the world that turned out to be the key to Grey's effort to trace the global pattern of renditions.
Bizarrely, given the secrecy of the rendition program, the CIA appeared to have taken few real steps to cover up its covert air operations. Perhaps the reason was as simple as that proffered by a former CIA operative: "You can't really hide a fleet of planes." Using information garnered from plane spotters (people who obsessively note comings and goings at airports), aviation databases, and a well-placed confidential source, Grey and others linked specific flightlogs to a series of detainee renditions.
With flight after CIA flight exposed - to Egypt, Uzbekistan, Libya and Guantanamo, among others -- the overall pattern became clear. "Concealed behind the movement of innocent-looking civilian jets, the flight data showed the agency was working with some of the most repressive countries of the world."

Redefining Torture
The hidden world that Grey describes in Ghost Plane displays sheer contempt for fundamental legal norms. While CIA operatives and Administration officials were clearly concerned about the prohibitions against torture and forced disappearance, this concern was evidenced only in their repeated efforts to evade legal liability.
Rather than follow the law, they rewrote it. Grey offers a convincing explanation about how the administration's in-house legal apologists built a paper façade - a wall of memos -- with which to cover up the illegality of the CIA's rendition and detention program.
Grey paints a compelling picture of the U.S.'s program of detainee abuse, but his story remains incomplete. Although much is now know about the practice of rendition to foreign detention, far less is about the CIA's own secret prisons.
Unsurprisingly, the Administration is now taking extraordinary steps to try to bar the fourteen prisoners who were transferred to Guantanamo a few months ago from describing their treatment in CIA custody. When the truth finally gets out, a revised and expanded edition of Ghost Plane may be next.
[FONT=Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif][/FONT]
Joanne Mariner is a human rights attorney based in New York and Paris. Her columns on Guantanamo, CIA prisons, and other detention issues may be found in FindLaw's archive.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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Detainees in "Gitmo North" are not held in legal limbo. It is a legally defined detention on a ministerial warrant. I generally trust the goverment of Canada and the country's judges to act in a humane and decent fashion and not lie or mislead the Canadian people. If evidence, secret or not, shows him to be threat to Canada then he should be detained. The problem arises that if deported he is liable to be executed or tortured by Egyptian authorities else we could have given him the boot long ago. The US is struggling wit this issue because by their laws such detentions are illegal. detention under a ministerial warrant predates 9/11 by many many years. Canada is much more of a police state than the US. Our constitution promises us "Peace, Order and Good Goverment" not life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
 

gopher

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Canada is much more of a police state than the US. Our constitution promises us "Peace, Order and Good Goverment" not life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.


I have never heard or read of this before but note that nobody dissented from your viewpoint.

In the States we had the very famous (or perhaps infamous is the better word) Korematsu case in which a loyal Japanese-American was detained because of his ancestry. The Court ruled that the government lawfully detained him despite providing no evidence that he represented a potential menace to society. What is especially striking is the dissent in the case as Justices Roberts, Murphy, and Jackson condemned the action as violative of our Constitution.

Justice Murphy wrote:

The judicial test of whether the Government, on a plea of military necessity, can validly deprive an individual of any of his constitutional rights is whether the deprivation is reasonably related to a public danger that is so "immediate, imminent, and impending" as not to admit of delay and not to permit the intervention of ordinary constitutional processes to alleviate the danger ... the banishing from a prescribed area of the Pacific Coast "all persons of Japanese ancestry," ... does not meet that test."

Years later, the government acceded to his standards. Yet today, the Bush regime has disregarded its great wisdom. Evidently, the government of Canada has also failed to adhere to this standard to its great shame.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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We are not detaining anyone of ME descent we are detaining known or suspected terrorists. Legally too. Canada too detained and shipped Japanese-Canadians to the interior of BC and confined them in concentration camps.

There are many examples of Canadian law being way more liberal in terms of police search and seizure. A murder case in Seattle was solved and murderers convicted on Canadian phone tap info that the US police would never have been able to obtain through a phone tap warrant. Like intel gained from torture in other countries the phone tap recordings were allowed and in that case justice was served.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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We do not have statutes of limitations here and failure to report an indictable offence is indictable in it's self. It is against the law here not to rat out your neighbour and we are not so soft on criminals to allow them to get away scot free just becasue they did not get caught within 7 years. Once caught you have a right to speedy trial is all.
 

gopher

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In that particular case, did the police meet the legal standard known as "probable cause"? If so, then such a warrant could have been met in the States.

As for the case in ITN's link, where does it specify that these people are actual "terrorists"? I did not see that in the article but perhaps you have more pertinent information that could shed light on the matter.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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That was the issue "probable cause" was not met in an American court but it was in a Canadian court.

Without actually seeing the evidence we will never really know. I just trust my goverment not to do anything illegal. Incompetent yes, illegal no. ADSCAM not withstanding. No actual goverment minister was charged just party functionaries and advertising company execs.
 

gopher

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That was the issue "probable cause" was not met in an American court but it was in a Canadian court.

I see. This probably means that the courts there have a lower standard or what is called "test" in legal parlance.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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Yep. Peace and order are paramount in Canadian society. How do you think we get the stereotype polite Canadian. What Klan f@#$s get away with saying in the states would be illegal up here. The needs of the many out weigh the needs of the few or the one. From a sentencing and from a "soft" drug point of view we may appear to be soft on crime to our southern neighbours but our police and security services have all the tools they need to do their jobs without being shckled overly by individual rights. I have been accosted by police on several occassions cause they did not like the look of me being all long haired and unshaven while driving a nicer car. No racial profiling up here. The police pull over anybody they don't like the look of. They always give a reason from "I saw 3 guys who hadn't seen a razor in few days driving a newer car" to "Document check". the last one sounds like a Gestapo request for "Papers, please".
 

gopher

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Amazing! Canada does not have a reputation for being that way here in the States. But fewer people are heading up there now that the law requires a visa for entry.

Thanks for your posts -- I learned something, there.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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shhh don't tell anyone. To live in a polite and well ordered society one must make sacrifices. The disadvantages are so far outweighed by the advantages as to be minor annoyances only affecting criminals, bigots, vandals and gun owners. I'm likely to hear from gun owners on putting them in same sentence as criminals, bigots, and vandals. Time and time again our highest courts have upheld that gun ownership is a privilege not a right.
 

RomSpaceKnight

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With our head of state being ceremonial at most, it would be hard for power to accumulate at top. Your president can do things our PM would have to go to parliment for. If he has a majority and his party is united he may get his way but he has no veto power or signing authority. It's kind of a flip flop over how you yanks do things.
 

Colpy

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Time and time again our highest courts have upheld that gun ownership is a privilege not a right.

In that case, our highest courts are completely wrong. I would refer you to William Blackstone, the Bill of Rights of 1689, and the Magna Carta.

I don't know what the hell they teach lawyers in law school, but it sure ain't the history of rights..........
 

RomSpaceKnight

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I figured you would reply once the thread turned to gun control. Is it the paper work and BS you gotta get through to own a gun or the idea that gun ownership is a privilege not a right that irks you?