Sukhois 12 Typhoons 0 in British skies

Blackleaf

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In naval terms, it's similar to how the Royal Navy's new Daring-class destroyers has been running rings around the Americans during war games.

However, with regards to this thread:

Have Indian Su-30s really “dominated” RAF Typhoons in aerial combat with a 12-0 scoreline? Most probably not.


Aug 08 2015 - 63 Comments

By David Cenciotti

Indian fighter jocks claim they have “humiliated” the RAF colleagues in mock aerial combat exercises conducted during Exercise Indradhanush 2015. “Our analysis does not match what has been reported” the RAF said.


As we have already reported, four Indian Air Force Su-30MKI Flankers from 2 Sqd have recently been deployed to RAF Coningsby, UK, to take part in Indradhanush 2015, a two-week training exercise with the Royal Air Force Typhoon FGR4s.

The exercise has ended and the Russian-built aircraft have returned to India but Exercise Indradhanush 2015 left an unexpected trail of controversy after Group Captain Srivastav, the Indian Contingent Commander in the drills, told the Indian NDTV that the performance of his pilots was “exceptional.”

According to Srivastav, India’s most experienced Su-30 pilot, the IAF pilots came away from the exercise with a resounding 12-0 victory against the RAF Typhoons in WVR (Within Visual Range) engagements conducted while in the UK.

Here’s the report of the mock aerial combat exercises published on the NDTV website:

“The first week of the exercises pitted the Su-30, which NATO calls the Flanker, in a series of aerial dogfight scenarios. First, there were 1 v 1 encounters, where a single jet of each type engaged each other in Within Visual Range (WVR) combat, firing simulated missiles to a range of two miles. The exercises progressed to 2 v 2 engagements with two Eurofighters taking on two Su-30s and 2 v 1 exercises where two Sukhois took on a single Typhoon and vice versa. Notably, in the exercise where a lone Su-30 was engaged by two Typhoons, the IAF jet emerged the victor ‘shooting’ down both ‘enemy’ jets.”

So, not only held the Su-30s an edge on the Typhoons on 1 vs 1 and 2 vs 2, but even when a Sukhoi flew against two Typhoons, it managed to shoot down both enemies.

The response to such claims was almost immediate, even though not too detailed. According to an RAF source quoted in an Independent piece the Indian claims were “clearly designed for a domestic audience“.

A UK MoD blog on this topic said: “As you would expect, advanced military capabilities are rarely operated to the limits of their potential, especially when exercising against other nations’ aircraft. This exercise was no exception for the Typhoon Force.”

True.

A spokesperson for the RAF just said:

“Our analysis does not match what has been reported, RAF pilots and the Typhoon performed well throughout the exercise with and against the Indian Air Force. Both forces learnt a great deal from the exercise and the RAF look forward to the next opportunity to train alongside the IAF.”

So, the outcome of the engagements is at least unclear. However something can be said.

First of all, the purpose of such exercises is usually to study the opponents, learn their tactics and strategy, sometimes without showing the “enemy” the full extent of a weapon system capability (even though the latter is also the “excuse” air arms most frequently use to comment alleged defeats). Then, the kill ratio depends on how the scenario has been set up, with the Rules Of Engagement affecting the number of simulated kills.

Actually, this wasn’t the first time the Indian Air Force publicly claimed a resounding (and debated) victory: during Cope India 04, Indian Su-30 were able to achieve a 9:1 kill ratio against U.S. Air Force F-15C jets from 3rd Wing based at Elmendorf Air Force Base, Alaska.

In that case, the kill ratio was confirmed but it was also explained that the F-15s were defeated because they lacked an advanced active electronically scanned array (AESA) and were called to fight the Su-30s in scenarios that involved six Eagles against up to eighteen IAF aircraft with no chance to simulate any beyond visual range (BVR) missile shot (due to the Indian request of not using the AMRAAM). Furthermore, since the drills took place during F-22 budget reviews, some analysts affirm the Air Force intentionally accepted the challenging ROE (Rules Of Engagement) to gain more Raptors…

Anyway, just like all the simulated kills we have much talked about in the past, including some involving F-22 shot down, all these kill ratio claims should be taken with a grain of salt since they are often used for internal “propaganda” and marketing purposes and they have very little value unless we have some details about the scenario, the supporting assets involved in the engagement (AWACS, Electronic Warfare platforms, Ground Controlled Interceptors, etc.) and the ROE.

In this case, for instance, dealing with the ROE, an RAF source said the Typhoons fought “with one arm behind their backs.”

Moreover, WVR engagements, in which the super-maneuverable Su-30 excels, are less likely than BVR (Beyond Visual Range) ones where a Flanker would be much more vulnerable, as Indradhanush 2015 seems to have proved.

Here is what Group Captain Srivastav told NDTV about LFE (Large Force Engagements) that saw from 4 vs 4 to 8 vs 8 engagements at BVR in the skies near Coningsby:

“Asked about the performance of IAF pilots in these Large Force Engagements, Group Captain Srivastav told NDTV his pilots performed “fairly well” though “quantifying [the results] is difficult”. It was not unexpected for the IAF to “lose” one or two jets (over all the Large Force Engagements put together) given that the movement of each formation was directed by fighter controllers coordinating an overall air battle.”


Image credit: Crown Copyright / Royal Air Force

http://theaviationist.com/2015/08/0...mbat-with-a-12-0-scoreline-most-probably-not/
 

darkbeaver

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Typical refusal of failed Imperialists to conform to reality. India has military superiority 4 to 1 over Great Britian . I can't wait for the full colonization of of the UK by India. What a story what a comeback what perfect justice. Make no mistake India will wait untill things are perfect for the payback. Of course they'll have to fight China, Pakistan, the Bengals, the Germans Russians Syrians and three billion indigenous peoples from all over the world who are owed war reparations ammounting to the weight of the British Isles in gold.
I'm very happy my ancestors took the long voyage away from that land of dung eaters. As far as I know the charges were dropped, but we ain't going back anyway.
 

Blackleaf

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Typical refusal of failed Imperialists to conform to reality. India has military superiority 4 to 1 over Great Britian . I can't wait for the full colonization of of the UK by India. What a story what a comeback what perfect justice. Make no mistake India will wait untill things are perfect for the payback. Of course they'll have to fight China, Pakistan, the Bengals, the Germans Russians Syrians and three billion indigenous peoples from all over the world who are owed war reparations ammounting to the weight of the British Isles in gold.
I'm very happy my ancestors took the long voyage away from that land of dung eaters. As far as I know the charges were dropped, but we ain't going back anyway.


Sorry. But the article has satifactorily explained why the Indians were talking a pile of bull.

Like the Americans and the Canadians, Indians also need to be thankful to the British Empire.

Make no mistake India will wait untill things are perfect for the payback. Of course they'll have to fight China, Pakistan, the Bengals, the Germans Russians Syrians and three billion indigenous peoples from all over the world who are owed war reparations ammounting to the weight of the British Isles in gold.

Sorry, Shashi Tharoor, but Britain doesn’t owe India any reparations

Patrick French
5 August 2015
520 comments


Shashi Tharoor

As one of a parade of speakers debating the British empire at the Oxford Union, Shashi Tharoor cannot have expected his short speech to be viewed more than three million times. Reparations, he told his audience, ‘are a tool for you to atone for the wrongs that have been done. Let me say with the greatest possible respect: it’s a bit rich to oppress, enslave, kill, torture, maim people for 200 years and then celebrate the fact that they are democratic at the end of it.’ Tharoor, an MP in the opposition Congress party, was lauded by the Indian prime minister Narendra Modi, who said, ‘What he spoke there reflected the sentiments of the citizens of India.’ It was an inauspicious omen for Modi’s visit to Britain later this year, the first by an Indian prime minister in nearly a decade.

Reparations for war have a long history – the British liked to impose them at the drop of a hat, for example billing the Tibetan government Rs. 2.5 million after invading Tibet in 1904. Compensation for larger and more nebulous crimes is, like many ideas now floating in the intellectual ether, American in origin. In Martin Luther King Jr’s 1963 speech at the Lincoln Memorial, he said the promise of ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’ was not being fulfilled: ‘It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of colour are concerned.’ Ta-Nehisi Coates returned to the theme last year with an influential article in the Atlantic suggesting the US needed a ‘national reckoning’ over the debts of slavery. Coates has a point: anyone who passes time in the southern states of America or in the Caribbean will notice the enduring consequences of chattel slavery.

Tharoor’s demand that Britain should pay reparations to India for historic damage rests, though, on insecure foundations. He observed that India’s share of the world economy dropped from 23 to 4 per cent during the centuries of informal and formal British rule. This change had more to do with the rapid economic transformation of western Europe by the Industrial Revolution than it did with adjustments inside India: a largely agricultural economy could not match an industrialising one. His claim rests on the ‘drain theory’ — that Britain sucked away India’s prosperity — proposed by late 19th century nationalists like the Liberal MP Dadabhai Naoroji. When India gained independence and the ‘drain’ stopped, there was no sign of the promised surplus.

Tharoor argued that Britain owed a debt of £1.25 billion to the Indian government at the end of the second world war for the 2.5 million volunteers who had fought the Axis powers, but it was ‘never actually paid.’ Not only was this debt honoured, but it formed an essential part of Jawaharlal Nehru’s early economic planning. The governor of the Reserve Bank of India later complained that the new prime minister had run through the sterling balances ‘as if there was no tomorrow.’

Tharoor concluded his witty and entertaining speech by saying his concern was not monetary value, but ‘the principle that reparations are owed’ – saying he would be happy for India to be paid £1 a year by Britain for the next 200 years. It was here that he betrayed the essential frivolity of his case. He was appealing not for the rebalancing of entrenched global financial structures that date to the 18th century, but for moral victory. Like a surface-to-air missile, he locked on to the spot where he knew his well-heeled Oxford Union audience would be most vulnerable: postcolonial guilt. It did the speaker no harm that his voice is of the orotund type heard in early television documentaries about the royal family. Tharoor told an Indian TV anchor that so many of the audience trooped through the yes lobby in support of his reparations motion that the ‘swank dinner’ following the debate was delayed.

The irony of the case for compensation is that it would have made little sense to those who were actually subjects of the British empire. Indian politicians in the 21st century sometimes appear to be more anti-imperialist than their predecessors who risked their lives for independence in the 1930s and 40s. For much of his public career, Gandhi viewed the empire as a guarantor of his civil rights. Even after spending eleven years in British jails, Nehru was happy to toast the King Emperor and to make sure the Union Jack was not lowered when the Indian tricolor was raised. The Indian National Congress, the forerunner of Tharoor’s party, was for most of its existence a collaborationist movement. India’s hereditary princes were almost without exception imperialists. Only a small number of people in the 20th century sought the violent overthrow of British rule in India. Even nationalists who were infuriated by the structural racism inherent in the empire often saw empire as a progressive force. British rule in India was an act of complicity, a joint venture between the elites of the two nations. Today, all of that historical complexity has been forgotten: an attack on the empire by a politician is a risk-free way of ensuring cross-party unity and vigorous applause.

Paying a token reparation of £1 a year would be an absurdity. It presupposes that the government which might have arisen in India in the absence of the British would have been preferable to the one that resulted. Particularly, it supposes that the alternative regime would have produced comparable stability for the growth of internal trade. At the start of the 18th century after the depredations of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, the subcontinent was in a state of bitter, broken conflict. In its wake, outsiders from Europe were able to pay mercenaries to assert dominance on their behalf. Looking forward towards the period after independence in 1947, there is nothing in the conduct of the Congress party during their long decades in power to suggest they might have used compensation wisely or well. The 1970s marked a growth rate in India of below 1 per cent. Nor is there the slightest chance that an expression of British remorse for long forgotten political choices, which occurred at a different time and in an entirely different historical context, would engender any respect in India, a country with no tradition of contrition. Being an Indian politician means never having to say you’re sorry.

Patrick French is the author of India: A Portrait (Penguin)


Sorry, Shashi Tharoor, but Britain doesn’t owe India any reparations - Spectator Blogs
 
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darkbeaver

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Tecumsehsbones

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It'll take a divine miracle to make me change my mind.
Well, if there are any trials for British colonization (such as it was) of India, that'll be a miracle, so who knows? Could happen.

I understand dorkbeaver is preparing his brief for the Intergalactic Court of Justice even as we speak.
 

Blackleaf

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Well, if there are any trials for British colonization (such as it was) of India, that'll be a miracle, so who knows? Could happen.

I understand dorkbeaver is preparing his brief for the Intergalactic Court of Justice even as we speak.


Could happen, but won't. Britain won't, and shouldn't, apologise to backward India for the British Empire. India won't be the success it is today without the British Empire. Without the British Empire, India would be even more backward than it is now.
 

Tecumsehsbones

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Could happen, but won't. Britain won't, and shouldn't, apologise to backward India for the British Empire. India won't be the success it is today without the British Empire. Without the British Empire, India would be even more backward than it is now.
Whatever. Nobody cares.
 

darkbeaver

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Both the USA and the Royal Airfarce qualify their stinging truddeling by India as due to their aircrafts best atributes being riened in by the need for security.

She is fishy? How so?