hugo is the man

cortezzz

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Chavez seeking to militarize Venezuela


FABIOLA SANCHEZ


Associated Press


CARACAS, Venezuela - President Hugo Chavez constantly warns Venezuelans a U.S. invasion is imminent. Now he's begun training a civilian militia as well as the Venezuelan army to resist in the only way possible against a much better-equipped force: by taking to the hills and fighting a guerrilla war.


Supporters of the president, a former paratroop commander, are increasingly taking up his call. Chavez wants 1 million armed men and women in the army reserve, and 150,000 have already joined, surpassing the regular military's force of 100,000. Now Venezuelans are also organizing neighborhood-based militia units for Chavez's Territorial Guard.


Critics of Chavez say the real goal of the mobilization is to create the means to suppress internal dissent and defend Chavez's presidency at all costs. Thousands of Territorial Guard volunteers - housewives, students, construction workers - are undergoing training, earning $7.45 per session.


"We're going to be a country of soldiers," declares Roberto Salazar, an unemployed 49-year-old, after scrambling under barbed wire, wading through a mud trench and skirting burning tires with other volunteers.


Venezuela's citizen-soldiers come mostly from the slums where Chavez draws his fiercest support. They train on weekends, learning how to handle assault rifles and run obstacle courses through clouds of tear gas.


"Venezuelans need to know how to be military people so that we can defend our fatherland and our president," Salazar says.


Chavez insists the plotters of a 2002 coup that briefly unseated him had Washington's blessing. The United States quickly recognized the interim leaders; U.S. intelligence documents indicate the CIA knew dissident military officers were plotting against Chavez.


Chavez now says all Venezuelans must be prepared for a "war of resistance," and has noted that the hills around Caracas provide excellent cover.


U.S. troops would "bite the dust," he maintains, if they try to oust him and seize Venezuela's vast oil reserves. Top defense officials say Venezuela must prepare for "asymmetrical" war - military parlance for using non-conventional means against a traditional army.


Venezuela's army reserve has grown from 30,000 in 2004, says Gen. Alberto Muller Rojas, a top military adviser to Chavez.


The reservists are to be issued some of the army's older Belgian FAL assault rifles once Venezuela receives 100,000 new Kalashnikovs from Russia - approximately one for every regular soldier.


U.S. officials express concern that Chavez could be trying to export revolution. Chavez calls that an invention, and says the weapons will be needed for the 1 million Venezuelans he wants to arm. The civilian militias will not be issued firearms but their commanders say weapons would be made available in an emergency.


Critics also accuse Chavez of trying, Cuban-style, to consolidate power by assigning soldiers community tasks like serving as crossing guards and treating the poor in health clinics.


"The military devotion to Chavez is one of two keys to Chavez's survival. The other is the devotion of the poor," says Larry Birns of the Washington-based Council on Hemispheric Affairs. "It's an act of desperation to form an armed civilian militia. He may have reached that point where he feels a faction of the military is untrustworthy."


Rather than trying to topple Chavez with an invasion, it's more likely Washington is trying to undermine him by courting potential rivals within the military, Birns says.


Chavez has in turn sought to reward loyalty, granting handsome pay raises throughout the military. He expelled a U.S. military attache in February, accusing him of espionage. Washington expelled a Venezuelan diplomat in retaliation and has denied any attempts to overthrow Chavez.


In a recent interview, U.S. Ambassador William Brownfield resisted making judgments about the reserve force.


It's up to Venezuela's government and people to decide "how big a reserve force they want, what sort of chain of command they believe this reserve force should have, whether this reserve force should in fact be located in each and every block or town or village throughout the country," Brownfield said.


Chavez reminds his people the United States invaded Grenada and Panama to topple regimes it considered hostile. In both cases, resistance quickly crumbled.


Cuba's defeat of a CIA-trained force at the Bay of Pigs in 1961 is the model Chavez wants to follow.


The national guard has even enlisted an army of 500 Indians to defend the country with poison-tipped arrows, Chavez said recently, adding: "If they had to take a good shot at any invader, you'd be done for in 30 seconds, my dear gringo."


I LOVE THIS GUY!
 

JonB2004

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Cortezzz, correct me if I'm wrong. The U.S. is going to invade Venezuela for their oil.
 

Colpy

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You guys are nuttier than fruitcakes.

Hugo Chavez is a old-fashioned caudillo, or strong-man, of the type Latin America has had to deal with far too often.

He is in the same class a Somoza, Castro, Pinochet, and on and on.

You realize he has charged the leaders of opposition parties with treason, and put them on trial for their lives?

Cortez, your signature line says it all.
 

aeon

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Re: RE: hugo is the man

Colpy said:
You guys are nuttier than fruitcakes.

Hugo Chavez is a old-fashioned caudillo, or strong-man, of the type Latin America has had to deal with far too often.

He is in the same class a Somoza, Castro, Pinochet, and on and on.

You realize he has charged the leaders of opposition parties with treason, and put them on trial for their lives?

Cortez, your signature line says it all.


Come on pinochet, was supported by the CIA and he killed 3000 innoncent chilies to get in power, ,and he was hated all over south america, which isnt the same as hugo, nice try.

Prove it, that chavez charged the leaders of opposition with treason.If it is the overtrown of chavez in 2002, and the coup was reversed by popular uprising 48 hours later, yes it is treason.
 

#juan

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Venezuela: Supreme Court Opens Way To Jail Coup Leaders
by Stuart Munckton

March 29, 2005


On March 11 the constitutional chamber of Venezuela's Supreme Court annulled the infamous decision made by the court on August 14, 2002, that set free the four military officers who led the April 2002 coup against left-wing Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. The new ruling opens the way for the four, no longer in the military, to be charged for their role in the coup by the country's attorney general.

On April 11, 2002, the Chavez government was overthrown in a military coup that installed the head of Venezuela's largest employers' organisation, Fedecamaras, as president and overturned the laws enacted by Chavez that benefited the poor. The coup was reversed by a popular uprising 48 hours later.

In August 2002, in a narrow vote of 11-9, the Supreme Court caused uproar among the poor majority who back Chavez by dismissing the charges against the four former military officers — Army General Efrain Vasquez Velasco, Air Force General Pedro Pereira, Vice-Admiral Hector Ramirez Perez and Rear Admiral Daniel Comisso Urdaneta.

The ruling had claimed that what had occurred was not a military coup, but a “power vacuum” — a ludicrous claim given that not only did the military officers overthrow the existing government, using the lie that Chavez had resigned, but a new government was immediately sworn in to take its place. This event was nationally televised.

According to the Venezuela Analysis website, Luisa Estela Morales, the president of the court's constitutional chamber, explained that the new decision “was made following the verification of the grotesque violation of the constitutional principles”.

Venezuelan Vice-President Jose Vincent Rangel issued a statement declaring that the decision “on the one hand, vindicates the historical truth and, on the other hand, vindicates the rule of law”.

The original decision that absolved the officers, “was a true assault on democratic legality, committed by a group of judges who proceeded to embarrassingly serve interests that were contrary to justice”, said Rangel.

Reform of the Supreme Court The decision to nullify the old ruling was made possible because of a law to reform the Supreme Court, passed by the parliament last year. Among other measures, the law increased the number of judges sitting on the Supreme Court from 20 to 32, and allowed for the appointment of a judge by a simple majority vote of the National Assembly, Venezuela's unicameral parliament. Prior to the adoption of this law, a two-thirds majority was required.

The new law also allows for the annulment of a judge's appointment to the court if he or she fails to uphold the law and the constitution.

This reform of the Supreme Court has prompted a lot of controversy both inside and outside of Venezuela. Venezuela's capitalist-backed opposition, as well as US officials and anti-Chavez commentators in the US media, have accused Chavez of violating “judicial independence” and of “packing the courts” with his supporters.

Not only is the claim fundamentally untrue — it is not the president but the National Assembly deputies who appoint the Supreme Court — but the hypocrisy of those making the claim is staggering. There was no serious judicial independence in the courts before Chavez's rise to power, and the Bush administration is renowned for wanting to pack the US Supreme Court with judges who share its neo-conservative ideology.

What the Venezuelan opposition is really afraid of is that the capitalist elite is losing control over the courts, and therefore their immunity from prosecution for the crimes they have committed to date in their campaign against Chavez.

As well as carrying out the failed 2002 coup, the opposition, which has received millions of dollars from the US government via the National Endowment for Democracy, has used economic sabotage and a campaign of violent protests in its attempt to oust the Chavez government, which was re-elected in July 2000 with 60% of the popular vote.

However, until recently, not a single person had been jailed for their role in the 2002 coup or other crimes linked to the campaign to overthrow the elected government. The failure to punish those involved in the coup against what they see as “their government” has caused enormous anger and resentment among the poor. In a letter from Venezuela posted at the Cyber Circle website in February this year, US solidarity activist Louise Auerhahn reported that one of the most common pieces of graffiti in Caracas reads “Prison to the coup plotters!”

All this began to change with a legal offensive started by the government last year and led by state prosecutor Danilo Anderson. Travel bans were issued to 30 participants in the coup and at least 400 individuals are being investigated for their role in the coup.

In October, eight anti-Chavez politicians and businesspeople were found guilty of rebellion for their role in ousting the elected pro-Chavez governor of the state of Tachira during the 2002 coup. They received prison sentences of up to six years. They were the first to be found guilty of charges relating to the coup.

Anderson assassination On November 18, Anderson was assassinated by a car bomb using C4 explosives. A number of individuals tied to the opposition have been arrested by the police for their suspected role in the assassination. The Vheadline website reported on March 9 that two days earlier police had raided the home of a former senator for the opposition-aligned COPEI party, Haydee Castillo de Lopez, in relation to the investigation into Anderson's murder. Lopez's son, Antonio Lopez, was shot dead during a gun battle last year when police attempted to arrest him on suspicion of involvement in Anderson's murder.

Police found large amounts of C4 explosives, as well as anti-tank mines, assorted weapons and police uniforms. Vheadline reported that Attorney-General Isaiah Rodriguez said that the find “goes to prove that Antonio Lopez had participation in events that go beyond the murder of Anderson”.

Venezuela Analysis reported on March 15 that opposition leader and former governor of the state of Miranda, Enrique Mendoza, had been charged with seven crimes by the attorney-general. The alleged crimes, relating to Mendoza's participation in the coup, include treason and civil rebellion.

Mendoza was responsible for taking the state-run TV station off the air during the coup. The station was the only TV channel not aligned with the opposition. Mendoza condemned the charges against him as part of a plot by a “totalitarian” Chavez government. However the president of the National Assembly, Nicola Maduro, defended the charges, declaring that “the application of justice by the majority of the people is the only thing that can guarantee stability before the pretensions of crazed sectors with financing from the United States”.

The charges against Mendoza come two weeks after Venezuelan police arrested Carlos Ortega, the former head of the pro-boss, anti-Chavez Confederation of Venezuelan Unions (CTV). Under Ortega's leadership, the CTV participated in the failed coup and helped organise, along with Fedecamaras, the bosses' lock-out in December 2002-January 2003 that attempted to force Chavez to resign.

After being charged with treason for his role in the lock-out, Ortega was granted political asylum in Costa Rica in February 2003. However, this was revoked one year later after he repeatedly violated the terms of the asylum by making repeated public calls for Chavez's overthrow.

Ex-president charged In another development that indicates the determination of the government to bring to justice those who have committed crimes against the Venezuelan people, an arrest warrant was issued for former president Carlos Andres Perez on February 24 by state prosecutor Indira Josefina Mora. According to a February 25 Venezuela Analysis article, the charges relate to Perez's alleged role in ordering the brutal suppression of a popular uprising in February 1989 in which up to 2000 people were killed. Perez, who oversaw the implementation of harsh neoliberal measures during his presidency from 1989 to 1993, has lived outside Venezuela ever since, having been impeached for corruption in 1993.

In an event known as the Caracazo, on February 27, 1989, at the behest of the International Monetary Fund, the Perez government hiked up the prices of basic goods and services, sparking spontaneous protests and looting by the poor in Caracas and other cities. To regain control, the military used lethal force, resulting in an official death toll of 327, although hundreds of bodies were later found dumped in wells.

The uprising and its brutal suppression proved to be a key turning point in Venezuelan history. In 1992, angered at the state repression during what they felt to be a just uprising, thousands of young soldiers, led by Chavez, then an officer in the paratrooper division, launched a failed rebellion aimed at overthrowing Perez and forcing fresh elections for a new civilian government. Since winning the presidential election in 1998, Chavez has reversed many of the neoliberal policies implemented by Perez.

The Venezuelan police do not know the exact whereabouts of Perez. Last year he publicly called from Miami for the assassination of Chavez, declaring that he “must die like a dog, because he

These are hardly the opposition leaders. These are military officers who, with the help of the CIA, tried to overthrow Chavez's legally elected government. One of the men, Perez, has called for Chavez's assasination. Maybe he learned that from Robertson.
 

Colpy

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Maria-Corina Machado, opposition leader and mother of three, faces prison time for simply taking grant money from the National Endowment for Democracy, a program of the United States Congress.

"This is a country where anyone who dares to think and speak differently from the government,” said Machado, “is seen as an enemy."

Machado's group Sumate used the money to educate citizens in democracy. But the Chavez government accused Machado of plotting with the U.S. to overthrow it.

Machado commented, "I have three kids and I tell my kids that their mom could go to jail because of conspiracy, treason to my country, rebellion. These are the kinds of charges put against us."

Opposition figure Enrique Capriles has already spent four months in jail. He told CBN News that he was only released because the street protests over his jail sentence had become an embarrassment to the government.

And at the TV channel Globovision, TV talk show host Leopoldo Castillo has had to learn to keep his acid tongue in check. There is a new censorship law against insulting President Chavez.

Castillo remarked, "David Letterman, every day, in tonight's show, he makes fun of President Bush. Nothing happens. Here, with a new law, if you make fun of the president, of the senior officer of the Supreme Court, of any minister, you can go to jail.”

http://www.cbn.com/cbnnews/news/050531a.asp

These ARE opposition leaders. I have no patience with the "dictatorship of the proletariat", as it inevitably ends up with a bloodbath.
 

I think not

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You're wasting your energy Colpy, as long as Hugo is against the US, every fringe left element on the planet will support him, as they have done in the past.
 

#juan

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National Catholic Reporter
The Independent Newsweekly
NCRONLINE.ORG

Cover story

Issue Date: April 2, 2004

U.S. funds aid Chávez opposition

National Endowment for Democracy at center of dispute in Venezuela

By BART JONES

The United States is using a quasi-governmental organization created during the Reagan years and funded largely by Congress to pump about a million dollars a year into groups opposed to Venezuela President Hugo Chávez, according to officials in Venezuela and a Venezuelan-American attorney.

Some 2,000 pages of newly disclosed documents show that the little-known National Endowment for Democracy is financing a vast array of groups: campesinos, businessmen, former military officials, unions, lawyers, educators, even an organization leading a recall drive against Chávez. Some compare the agency, in certain of its activities, to the CIA of previous decades when the agency was regularly used to interfere in the affairs of Latin American countries.

“It certainly shows an incredible pattern of financing basically every single sector in Venezuelan society,” said Eva Golinger, the Brooklyn, N.Y.-based attorney who helped obtain the documents through Freedom of Information Act requests. “That’s the most amazing part about it.”

One organization, Sumate, which received a $53,400 grant in September, is organizing the recall referendum against Chávez, Golinger said. The head of another group, Leonardo Carvajal of the Asociación Civil Asamblea de Educación, was named education minister by “dictator for a day” Pedro Carmona, a leading businessman who briefly took over Venezuela during an April 2002 coup against Chávez, she said. A leader of a third group assisted by the National Endowment for Democracy and its subsidiary organizations, Leopoldo Martínez of the right-wing Primero Justicia party, was named finance minister by Carmona, she said.

“How can they [the National Endowment for Democracy] say they are supporting democracy when they are funding groups that backed the coup?” asked Golinger, head of the pro-Chávez Venezuela Solidarity Committee in New York.

Chris Sabatini, the endowment’s senior program officer for Latin America and the Caribbean, acknowledged the organization is handing out $922,000 this year, largely to groups opposed to Chávez, and gave out $1,046,323 last year. He said pro-Chávez groups have not received funds because they didn’t ask for any or they rejected the National Endowment’s overtures.

Sabatini said there is no evidence that groups backed by the National Endowment for Democracy -- called NED -- participated directly in the coup, although he acknowledged Carvajal and Martínez were offered cabinet posts. He said the endowment made it clear to all groups it works with that it explicitly opposes unconstitutional actions. NED no longer funds Carvajal’s group, he added, because it was not meeting its objectives of developing education policies.

As for Sumate, he said the organization is merely monitoring the recall process and ensuring citizens get to exercise their constitutional rights.

The endowment’s work in Venezuela, he said, is aimed at promoting democracy and defusing festering tensions that could lead to a civil war. “There is no ideological content to our work except working with committed democrats in countries where democracy is developing or under siege,” he said in a telephone interview March 2.

The revelations about the endowment’s work in Venezuela is provoking criticism from some high-level officials, including members of the Congressional Black Caucus, that the United States is trying to destabilize and overthrow democratically elected governments in Latin America.

Rep. Charles Rangel, D-N.Y., charged that the Bush administration helped oust Haiti’s President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and that it is trying to depose Chávez, as well. “We’re doing the same thing in Venezuela because we don’t like Chávez,” Rangel said on a radio roundtable discussion.

U.S. officials deny the allegations, and say Aristide fell and Chávez almost did because of economic mismanagement and human rights abuses.

The controversy over the U.S. role in Latin America intensified March 16 when Chávez joined Jamaica in declaring he would not recognize the interim government in Haiti that replaced Aristide. Chávez also offered asylum to the deposed Haitian president, who arrived a day earlier in Jamaica, where he has received temporary refuge.

A populist firebrand first elected in 1998, Chávez has polarized oil-rich Venezuela. Many middle- and upper-class residents charge he is a leftist dictator who has befriended Fidel Castro, wrecked the economy and fostered class hatred by referring to wealthy Venezuelans as corrupt “squalid ones.” But millions of poor people adore him for creating massive literacy programs, handing out land titles to slum dwellers and peasants, and combating a ruling class they say pillaged the nation’s vast oil wealth.

In the wake of disclosures about the National Endowment for Democracy, Chávez has dropped his past caution on the topic and now openly accuses the United States of backing the 2002 coup attempt and bankrolling efforts to destabilize and overthrow his government. He is also threatening that Venezuela, one of the world’s top oil suppliers, might cut off shipments to the United States if the Bush administration persists in its efforts to undermine him.

After Golinger had some of the NED documents delivered to Chávez, the Venezuelan president on Feb. 8 angrily denounced the funding of Sumate on his nationally broadcast television and radio program, “Hello, Mr. President.”

Then, as more information from Golinger arrived, Chávez stepped up his attacks. “The government of Washington is using its people’s money to support not only opposition activities, but acts of conspiracy,” Chávez declared in a speech Feb. 17. He directly accused the Bush administration of involvement in the coup. “There is no doubt: The government of Mr. George W. Bush was behind the coup,” Chávez said. “We have photos, evidence.”

The next day, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher accused Chávez of trying to divert attention from the recall referendum, and said U.S. funding in Venezuela is to “promote democracy and strengthen civil society.” Speaking in Washington at the department’s daily press briefing, Boucher added that pro-Chávez groups and officials have benefited from the programs, although he and other State Department officials decline to name them. Golinger says that is because there are none, according to her research.

An investigation by the State Department’s inspector general two years ago into the United States’ possible role in the coup determined that the work of the National Endowment for Democracy broke no U.S. laws. It also found there was no evidence the NED or the U.S. government did anything to encourage Chávez’s unconstitutional overthrow.

But the report, “A Review of U.S. Policy Toward Venezuela -- November 2001-April 2002,” added that the endowment, the Pentagon and other U.S. assistance programs “provided training, institution-building and support to individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved in the brief ouster of the Chávez government,” although there was “no evidence that this support directly contributed, or was intended to contribute, to that event.”

The NED’s work in Venezuela is not the first time it has provoked controversy. In the 1980s it generated criticism by funding organizations opposed to the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, prompting accusations that its whopping $10.5 million in grants in a single year in the impoverished Central American nation “bought” the 1990 election that led to the Sandinista’s defeat.

Many analysts contend the National Endowment for Democracy was created in 1983 to replace some CIA activities -- covertly supporting political parties, unions, newspapers, book publishers, student groups and civic organizations -- after the agency’s work was reined in by Congress following revelations it carried out everything from assassinations to economic sabotage.

The group’s involvement in Venezuela “is in keeping with a pattern from NED’s very origins when the Reagan administration used it to do overtly what it was trying to do covertly in Nicaragua -- undermine the Sandinista revolution,” said Peter Kornbluh of the National Security Archive in Washington. “The difference of course is that Chávez was elected and the Sandinistas were a revolutionary government.”

Kornbluh, author of The Pinochet Files and an expert on declassified government documents, added: “The NED was created to supplement the activities of the CIA.”

NED officials vigorously deny that allegation. Sabatini said the organization has promoted democracy around the world, from South Africa to Chile to Poland, where it assisted Lech Walesa’s Solidarity movement. The group’s budget -- $44 million this year -- is approved by Congress, with both Democratic and Republican support.

Still, the NED’s own Web page traces the group’s origins to the late 1960s when lawmakers first proposed creating an institution that would replace the “covert means” U.S. policymakers employed in post-World War II Europe -- including CIA assistance -- with “overt funding for programs to promote democratic values.”

In a Sept. 22, 1991, interview with The Washington Post, Allen Weinstein, who helped draft the legislation establishing the National Endowment for Democracy and who was the group’s first acting president, said, “A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.”

The debate over the NED is the latest controversy over the Bush administration’s role in Latin America. The United States initially blamed Chávez for his temporary overthrow in 2002, then later condemned the coup after an international outcry. U.S. Ambassador Charles Shapiro had breakfast in Miraflores presidential palace at 9 a.m. during Carmona’s first day in power, indicating to some U.S. support for the coup. Carmona wiped out the nation’s democratic institutions including Congress, the Supreme Court and the Constitution -- moves Shapiro says he told Carmona he opposed. The institutions were restored when Chávez returned to power two days later.

Support from Bush

Beyond those disputes, Bush has brought back into power several figures from the Iran-contra scandal, including Otto Reich, who until recently was Bush’s top diplomat to Latin America. Now he’s serving as the White House’s “special envoy” to the region. His replacement as U.S. assistant secretary of state is Roger Noriega, a former aide to Sen. Jesse Helms, also known for his intense dislike of Aristide and Chávez. Both Noriega and Reich recently warned voters in El Salvador against electing leftist Shafik Handal in the March 21 presidential election. Handal, who lost, was the candidate of the FMLN, the party of the former guerrilla movement that battled the U.S.-backed government and its death squads from 1980-92.

Critics say the NED’s activities in Venezuela parallel the Bush team’s desire to topple Chávez, an accusation NED officials deny. Like Ronald Reagan, who helped create the National Endowment for Democracy, Bush has proven to be a strong supporter of the organization. He spoke at the group’s 20th anniversary celebration in November. Then, in January, he praised the endowment during his State of the Union address and called for doubling its budget, mainly for pro-democracy activities in the Middle East. Last fall the Senate and the House passed resolutions saluting the endowment’s work.

Even some of the NED’s critics concede the group’s record is not all negative. “I don’t think it’s just the CIA reincarnated,” said Elizabeth Cohn, a professor of International and Intercultural Studies at Goucher College, Towson, Md., who wrote her doctoral thesis on the National Endowment for Democracy. Parts of the organization do “some very good work” in strengthening democratic institutions and fostering democracy.

But the problem is when the NED oversteps its bounds and meddles in the internal affairs of other countries, radically altering the political landscape in pursuit of U.S. foreign policy objectives, she said. The $10.5 million it pumped into Nicaraguan opposition groups in a dirt-poor country with 4 million residents essentially threw the February 1990 election to Violeta Chamorro, the candidate for the U.S.-backed UNO coalition, Cohn said.

“New organizations sprouted in Nicaragua and NED was first on the scene as their primary, sometimes only, funder,” she said. “NED monies mobilized the opposition and with the enormous amounts of money NED funneled into Nicaragua, they essentially bought the election.”

Kornbluh agrees the NED played a key role in ousting the Sandinistas. “It was very, very clear that NED was an overt side of a paramilitary war against the Sandinistas,” he said.

NED officials deny their activities swayed the 1990 Nicaragua election, and contend the Sandinistas lost because they mismanaged the economy and committed widespread human rights abuses. They say their work there focused on building democratic institutions including an independent press, unions, universities and political parties.

Despite the controversy in Nicaragua, Sabatini said he believes the debate over the endowment’s involvement in Venezuela is overblown. The documents obtained by Golinger and Jeremy Bigwood, a freelance investigative journalist based in Washington, are not classified, Sabatini said, and are available to anyone -- as long as they file Freedom of Information Act requests. “There’s a lot of bluster about something that is really entirely transparent and is entirely on the books,” he said.

While he contends the National Endowment for Democracy is a neutral force seeking middle ground in Venezuela, Sabatini also said he has doubts about the democratic credentials of Chávez, who has “shown a troubling lack of respect for institutions and rules and rhetoric that tends to inflame polarization.” Some NED-funded organizations such as the “economic reform” group Cedice go farther. In one report Golinger obtained, Cedice compares Chávez to the Nazis. The group suggests another coup may be in the offing, saying, “a democratic solution to the present political crisis will be well-nigh impossible” if the referendum doesn’t take place.

Michael Shifter, a former NED grants officer for Latin America who is now an analyst at the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, said that if the NED is inserting itself into Venezuela under the premise that Chávez is a cruel tyrant who is wiping out democracy and must be stopped, the group “is misreading the situation.” While Chávez, a former paratrooper who led his own failed coup in 1992, has shown some troubling autocratic tendencies, Shifter said, democracy remains essentially intact.

The jails hold no political prisoners, he said. The opposition-owned press operates freely, with Chávez critics even calling for coups on national television. Tens of thousands of his opponents regularly protest in the streets. International observers considered the elections that brought Chávez to power free and fair. Foreign investors generally are “happy,” Shifter said. Despite significant opposition, Chávez retains a strong base of support.

As for the opposition, he added, “there’s this ambivalence about democratic methods.”

Golinger says she is working feverishly before that ambivalence dooms Chávez. She says she and Bigwood obtained the NED reports over the last few months. Golinger has established a Web site where she is posting them, Venezuela FOIA Info.
Related Web Sites

National Endowment for Democracy
www.ned.org

Venezuela FOIA Info
www.venezuelafoia.info

International Republican Institute
www.iri.org

“This is one of the first times FOIA requests are being done in real time while it’s happening” rather than years after the fact, she said. “We posted them on the Internet so that the world would see them.” After Chávez himself announced the Web site on his show Feb. 8 -- the day it was launched -- it got 15,000 “hits” in three days, Golinger said.

Golinger said her group’s goal now is to save Chávez before he meets the same fate as Aristide. She and Bigwood also are submitting Freedom of Information Act requests to the CIA, the State Department, USAID and the Southern Command to determine the extent of their involvement in Venezuela.

National Endowment for Democracy......The CIA by any other name would smell as rotten.
 

Jay

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Jan 7, 2005
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I think not said:
You're wasting your energy Colpy, as long as Hugo is against the US, every fringe left element on the planet will support him, as they have done in the past.

Couldn't have said it better myself.
 

#juan

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What are the right wing nuts saying?

Are they saying that Hugo Chavez's election was somehow illegal? Two elections in a row, Chavez has been elected with a majority but the U.S., through the NED, a CIA branch office, is pumping a million dolars a year into anyone who opposes Chavez. Is this the same sort of democracy they are peddling in Iraq? It appears that Chavez's biggest fault, is that he gets angry when foreign governments pay people to try to overthrow him.
 

sanch

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I have always wondered why the US has not simply invaded Cuba and deposed Castro. Makes no sense to leave him there. Or does it? Likewise when has the US ever failed in their attempt to overthrow a government? Never until Hugo Chavez. Why would this coup have failed? Or did it fail? Perhaps we are missing something?

There are French, Norwegian, Spanish and Brazilian energy companies heavily involved in Venezuela, Peru and Bolivia. With the trend toward the nationalization of these companies It would seem that in the event of a future political turn around the field would be wide open for the return of US companies. The question is do Chavez and his supporters realize what the long term consequences of their actions might be?
 

#juan

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Sanch wrote:
I have always wondered why the US has not simply invaded Cuba and deposed Castro. Makes no sense to leave him there.

A question Sanch; Do you think the U.S. has the right to invade any country thay choose just because that country might have a different ideology?
 

Jay

Executive Branch Member
Jan 7, 2005
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The US has the right to defend its interests and security.

Cuba would fall right into that category.

I'm sure Hugo finds comfort in the fact the left in Canada supports him just like the left in Canada supports (and vacations in) Cuba.
 

#juan

Hall of Fame Member
Aug 30, 2005
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I'm sure Hugo finds comfort in the fact the left in Canada supports him just like the left in Canada supports (and vacations in) Cuba.

I'm sure most people in the world support Chavez, because he is right.
 

Jay

Executive Branch Member
Jan 7, 2005
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To a leftist he probably is right. He is Zimbabwe "right" and supported by Zimbabwe.

Welcome to the leftist dream for humanity....I hope you like it.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Criticism_of_Hugo_Chávez



Violations of political freedoms

Human rights organisation Amnesty International has, as of December 2004, documented at least 14 deaths and at least 200 wounded during confrontations between anti-Chávez demonstrators and National Guard, police, and other security personnel in February and March 2004. Several reports of ill-treatment and torture at the hands of the Chávez government's security forces have also surfaced. There are reports of slow and inadequate investigations into these abuses, which Amnesty International had attributed to the lack of police and judiciary impartiality. The organisation also has documented numerous reports of both police brutality and unlawful extrajudicial killings of criminal suspects, as well as intimidation of witnesses to the abuses. Calls by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on the Chávez government to quell such threats and intimidation have also reportedly not been addressed, and Chávez himself has suggested that some international human rights defenders had intentions of fermenting turmoil and destabilizing the country. These allegations have been reported to result in endangering human rights defenders, including death threats.[10]

Violation of freedom of expression

The Chávez government has been denounced by Human Rights Watch for its passage of legislation that threatens to stifle anti-Chávez criticism and dissent from Venezuelan media. The statements are leveled specifically at restrictive amendments to the Venezuelan Criminal Code that criminalize insults, disrespect, and libelous remarks from the news media aimed at either the president or other government authorities. Severe punishments, including sentences of up to 40 months, are part of the so-called "Law on the Social Responsibility of Radio and Television" personally endorsed by Chávez.[11]


With leftists in Canada comming out in droves supporting Chevez, It kinda makes some people not want to have children in this country.