Since independence from the British Empire in 1948, there has been tension between the different ethnic groups on the island. While many religious practices of the Buddhists and Hindus in Sri Lanka have been intertwined by centuries of cultural union, including worship of common deities and celebration of a common "New Year," the Sinhala and Tamil communities do not share as much common ground. Concerns about minority representation were expressed and given some attention during the independence struggle, but nothing was incorporated into the new constitution of the country. Since independence, it has been argued that there has been official and unofficial governmental preference for Sinhalese. This became a sore spot with Tamils as they lost employment and educational opportunities.
Sinhalese argue that Tamils received preferential treatment under British rule. By the time of independence, there were more missionary built schools in Tamil dominated Jaffna than in the rest of the island. This meant that there was a disproportionate number of Tamils in the civil service, medicine and law in post-independence Sri Lanka. Spokespeople for the Sinhalese claim that this showed that the Tamils had benefitted from favouritism, Tamil spokespeople said that there was no preference towards them during colonial times and so the Tamil community gained positions on merit.
A watershed in Sri Lankan politics was the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, which made Sinhala the sole official language, restricted many government jobs to Sinhala speakers, and changes in university admissions policies, which reduced the number of Tamils getting higher education.[1]
While many have been led to believe that the struggle between Tamils and Sinhalese has been a permanent historical feature of political life in Sri Lanka, this is not so. Before the colonial era, there were Sinhalese kingdoms. There were also some Tamil dominated areas in the northern Jaffna peninsula, but these were under Sinhala control. Invasion by the south-Indian Tamil king Ellare led to a brief period of Tamil-rule in the north, but he was defeated in battle by the Sinhala king Dutugamanu and his armies were vanquished back to India. The Tamil-dominated northern areas have been ruled by Sinhala administrations continuously before and since Ellare.
There is a sizable population of Tamils in the Central Province, descendants of forced laborers from India imported by the British colonial authorities in the nineteenth century. The estate Tamils, as they are called, work mainly in Sri Lanka’s world famous tea plantations. They have been locked in poverty for generations and continue to experience poor living conditions. Originally, they were the chief targets of Sinhala nationalism. Many were deprived of their citizenship in the late 1940s, and there were repeated attempts to repatriate them to India. Although they speak the same language, they are usually considered a separate community from the Tamils of the North and East.
In the decades after independence, Tamils supported a more federal system through the Federal Party. The concept of a separate nation, Tamil Eelam, was proposed by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) in 1976. TULF was a coalition of parties who went on to campaign in the 1977 elections for an independent state for Tamils in Sri Lanka. They won and went to Parliament to represent the northern and eastern provinces. The government banned TULF representatives from parliament for advocating an independent state. Talk and nonviolence actions continued, but youths started to form militant groups, some funded by bank robberies, and military presence in the north also grew.
A deadly attack on the military in the north by Tamil groups sparked riots in Colombo, the capital, and elsewhere in July 1983 (see Black July Pogrom). The riots alleged to have been planned in advance. Between 400-3,000 Tamils were killed [2], and many more fled Sinhalese-majority areas. This is usually considered the beginning of the ethnic conflict. In 1985, peace talks between the Tamils and the government failed, and the war continued. In 1987, government troops pushed the LTTE fighters to the northern city of Jaffna, which remains a center of LTTE activity to this day. In April 1987, the conflict exploded with ferocity, as both the SLA and Tamil groups committed bombings in Jaffna and Colombo respectively and ambushed innocent civilians of opposite ethnicity.
In July 1987, the LTTE carried out their first suicide attack, the first of some seventy six different suicide attacks. In the 1987 attack "Captain Miller" of the Black Tigers drove a small truck with explosives through the wall of a fortified Sri Lankan army camp, reportedly killing forty soldiers.
Initially there was a plethora of different resistance groups. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's position, attempting to learn from the PLO, was that there should be only one. Over time the LTTE merged with or exterminated almost all the other militant Tamil groups.
[edit]
Indian involvement
India became involved in the 1980s. The involvement has been motivated by a mix of issues – its leaders' desire to project India as the regional power in the area, worries about India's own Tamils seeking independence, and a genuine concern for the Sri Lankan Tamils' plight. The latter was particularly strong in the state of Tamil Nadu where there was sympathy for the alleged discrimination against Sri Lankan Tamils by the majority Sinhalese. Uncoordinated in the 1980s, the central and state governments supported both sides in different ways. It is widely believed that India provided the LTTE and other Tamil guerilla groups with monetary and training support.
India became more actively involved in the late 1980s, and in 1987 the Indian Air Force airdropped food parcels to Jaffna. Negotiations were then held, and the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord was signed on July 29, 1987 by Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President Jayewardene. Under this accord, the Sri Lankan Government made a number of concessions to Tamil demands, which included devolution of power to the provinces, merger—subject to later referendum—of the northern and eastern provinces, and official status for the Tamil language (this was eventually enacted as the 13th Amendment). India agreed to establish order in the north and east with an Indian Peace-Keeping Force (IPKF) and to cease assisting Tamil insurgents. Militant groups including the LTTE, although initially reluctant, agreed to surrender their arms to the IPKF.
The Sri Lankan government was facing a mostly unrelated uprising by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna in the south, and called in the Indian military immediately after the agreement was signed. The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was formed, and initially oversaw a cease-fire and modest disarmament of the militant groups. The Sri Lankan government pulled its troops south and put down the JVP rebellion.
As time went on, however, the Indian forces began to meet with stiff opposition from all sides. None of the concessions agreed to in the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement was implemented by the Government of Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government, fearing a large scale rebellion, began to grow wary of the presence of IPKF. Simultaneously, nationalist sentiment led many Sinhalese to oppose the continued presence of the IPKF. These led to the Sri Lankan government's call for India to quit the island, and they allegedly entered into a secret deal with the LTTE that culminated in a ceasefire. However, the LTTE and IPKF continued to have frequent hostilities, and according to some reports, the Sri Lankan government even armed the rebels willing to see the back of the Indian forces. Casualties mounted and eventually India pulled out its troops in March 1990.
Support from India dropped noticeably in 1991, after the assassination of a recently ex-Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, by a woman suicide bomber (Thenmuli Rajaratnam) widely believed to be an LTTE member and a victim of IPKF terror. India remains an outside observer to the ongoing peace process, with frequent demands to press for an extradition of Prabhakaran, even if a peace deal is struck between the parties in the future. India's central government has been firmly against the LTTE, although they do still speak up for Tamils' rights.
In the 1980s and 1990s, successive governments officially revoked some of the discriminatory policies, and recognizing Tamil as an official language. Sinhalese and Muslims today claim they are reverse discriminated. Tamils deny the latter claim, and see the changes that have been made as too little too late.
[edit]
The 1990s
The LTTE took significant parts of the north as the IPKF withdrew, and established many government-like functions in the areas under its control. LTTE attacks on the government continued, and they scored a major victory when one of their suicide bombers killed Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in May 1993.
Amidst great hope, in 1994 elections brought the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to power on a peace platform. After failed peace talks, the government pursued a "war for peace" line, and retook Jaffna (the largest city the north). Repeated attempts by the government to take control of the land route from the south to Jaffna gained ground but ultimately failed. The LTTE then rolled the government out of much of the territory it had taken, but never succeeded in re-taking Jaffna.
The Government forces often attacked civilian buildings such as temples, churches and schools in a bid to stem the growing resistance. These were often safe havens for terrorists fleeing the air raids and their destruction resulted in a high amount of Tamil civilian casualties. In one particular incident in August 1995, Sri Lankan Air Force jets bombed Navali's St. Peter's church, killing at least 75 refugees.
LTTE suicide and time bombs were exploded numerous times in populated city areas and public transport, killing hundreds of civilians. In January 1996, the LTTE carried out their deadliest suicide bomb attack, at the Central bank in Colombo, killing 90 and injuring 1,400. In October 1997 they bombed the Sri Lankan World Trade Center and, in January 1998, detonated a truck bomb in Kandy, damaging the Temple of the Tooth, one of the holiest Buddhist shrines in the World. In response to this bombing, the Sri Lankan government outlawed the LTTE and with some success pressed other governments around the world to do the same, significantly interfering with their fund-raising activities.
From July 1, 1999 to December 20, 1999 the LTTE intensified its attacks on the Sri Lankan armed forces in an attempt to liberate and consolidate territory. The LTTE launched 17 successful attacks in the region which culminated in the overrunning of the Paranthan Chemicals Factory base and the Kurrakkan Kaddukulam base. Thousands were killed. The rebels also advanced north towards Elephant Pass and Jaffna. The LTTE was successful in cutting all land and sea supply lines of the Sri Lankan armed forces in the town of Kilinochchi and surrounding areas. In December 1999 the LTTE tried to kill the Sri Lankan President, Chandrika Kumaratunga. She lost one eye, among other injuries.
At the same time, the suicide rate on the island climbed to become first in the world per capita. [3]
A significant peace movement also developed in the 1990s, with many organisations holding peace camps, conferences, trainings and peace meditations, and many other efforts to bridge the two sides at all levels.
After securing a vast area controlled by the government forces the LTTE further advanced Northwards, this advancement of the LTTE was posing a serious threat to the Elephant Pass military complex that enhoused 17,000 troops of the Sri Lankan forces. [4] On April 22, 2000 the Elephant pass military complex, which had separated the Jaffna peninsula from the Wanni mainland for 17 years, completely fell in the hands of the LTTE.[5], Tigers Seize Elephant Pass.
[edit]
Tentative peace
Approximate extent of area under the control of the LTTE, as of December 2005In 2000 the LTTE began to declare their willingness to explore measures that would safeguard Tamils' rights and autonomy as part of Sri Lanka, and announced a unilateral ceasefire just before Christmas 2000. Their July 2001 assault on Bandaranaike International Airport destroyed 8 (2 IAI Kfirs,2 Mil-17,4 K-7 trainers), of the air force's planes and 4 SriLankan Airlines's planes (2 Airbus A330s,1 A 340 and 1 A320), dampening the economy and causing tourism to plummet. Sri Lankan hopes for a military solution also faded. In parliamentary elections toward the end of the year the United National Front (UNF) came to power on a peace platform.
For the first time since the 1978 constitution introduced a strong presidency, one party held the Presidency (Chandrika Kumaratunga, Sri Lanka Freedom Party) and the other, Parliament (with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, United National Party). This co-habitation was extremely uneasy. The new government reciprocated another unilateral LTTE ceasefire offer at the end of 2001. The LTEE are believed to have taken this action after fear of international pressure and even direct US support of the Sri Lankan Government as part of the War on Terror. The two sides formalized it in a Memorandum of Understanding signed in February 2002. Norway is mediating, together with the other Nordic countries it also monitors the ceasefire through the SLMM and many other countries are offering substantial financial support if peace is achieved.
Some Sinhalese and Muslims have refused to support any concessions unless the LTTE disarms and becomes a democratic political entity.
The LTTE temporarily pulled out of the peace talks in 2003, saying that insufficient attention was being put on developing an interim political solution. The government eventually produced a proposal, and the LTTE a counter-proposal, which President Kumaratunga responded to by taking over several defense-related ministries. Peace talks remained suspended. In 2004 she took over additional ministries, and dissolved Parliament, calling an election, which brought her United People's Freedom Alliance to power.
During the election, LTTE commander Karuna of Batticaloa-Ampara split from the group's main leadership, claiming insufficient resources and power were being given to Tamils of the eastern part of the island. The LTTE officially sacked him, small-scale violence erupted, and tensions were extremely high. After the election, brief fighting south of Trincomalee led to a rapid retreat and capitulation of the Karuna group, their leaders eventually fleeing to Colombo. It has now been revealed that a ruling Muslim politician was involved with Karuna's escape.
The Asian tsunami of late 2004 killed more than 30,000 people in the country. It was hoped that the disaster would bring the warring sides together, but the two sides continued their bickering.
[edit]
Renewed violence
Until 2005, the cease fire between the LTTE and the government largely held. However, the situation was complicated by allegations that both sides were carrying out covert operations against the other. The government claimed that LTTE rebels were killing opponents and government soldiers and getting away with it, while the rebels accused the government of supporting paramilitary groups against the organization.
The foreign minister of Sri Lanka, Lakshman Kadirgamar, was killed by a sniper on August 15, 2005. The government blamed the LTTE, but no retaliation was made.
In the 2005 presidential election, the UNF candidate, Wickremasinghe, advocated reopening talks with the LTTE. The UPFA candidate, Mahinda Rajapakse, called for a tougher line and renegotiation of the ceasefire. The LTTE openly called for a boycott of the election of the Tamils, but believing the Tamils were getting ready to vote in large numbers, the LTTE was accused of using violence and intimidation to enforce the boycott. Losing the chance to get a large number of Tamil votes meant a loss for Wickramasinghe and a narrow win for Rajapakse. Despite being seen as a hardliner, Rajapakse promised to pursue peace and new talks with the rebels.
LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, in an annual address in November, stated that the Tigers would "renew their struggle" in 2006 if the government did not take serious moves toward peace.
Violence escalated in December 2005. Increased guerrilla activity included claymore mine attacks, clashes between the Sea Tigers and the Sri Lankan navy, and the killings of sympathizers on both sides. Prominent figures were targeted for assassination, including Joseph Pararajasingham, a pro-LTTE MP gunned down at a Christmas Mass. This violence left around 200 people dead. [6] The LTTE, following their standard practice, denied responsibility for the attacks, blaming "armed civilian groups" for them. Other incidents such as assassination of Tamil journalists and civilians led the SLMM to question whether a ceasefire can still be said to exist [7]. Observers believed that if serious steps are not taken towards peace, the country would return to war.
[edit]
Another round of talks
In light of this renewed violence, the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor conference called both parties to come to the negotiation table. The co-chairs—the United States in particular—were heavily critical of the LTTE violence. US State Department officials, as well as the US ambassador to Sri Lanka, gave warnings to the Tigers claiming a return to hostilities would mean that the Tigers would face a "more determined" Sri Lankan military.
In a last ditch effort to salvage an agreement between the parties, the Norwegian special envoy Erik Solheim and the LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham came to the island. The parties severely disagreed on the location of the talks; however, these last ditch efforts produced a breakthrough when both parties agreed the talks could be held in Geneva, Switzerland.
On February 7, 2006, Sri Lanka's government and the LTTE agreed to peace talks in Geneva definitively on February 22 and February 23. These talks were reported to have gone "above expectations", with both the government and the LTTE agreeing to curb the violence and to hold talks in April. [8]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_conflict_in_Sri_Lanka
Now that is some of the reasons why the conflict and LTTE began and why it continues.
Sinhalese argue that Tamils received preferential treatment under British rule. By the time of independence, there were more missionary built schools in Tamil dominated Jaffna than in the rest of the island. This meant that there was a disproportionate number of Tamils in the civil service, medicine and law in post-independence Sri Lanka. Spokespeople for the Sinhalese claim that this showed that the Tamils had benefitted from favouritism, Tamil spokespeople said that there was no preference towards them during colonial times and so the Tamil community gained positions on merit.
A watershed in Sri Lankan politics was the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, which made Sinhala the sole official language, restricted many government jobs to Sinhala speakers, and changes in university admissions policies, which reduced the number of Tamils getting higher education.[1]
While many have been led to believe that the struggle between Tamils and Sinhalese has been a permanent historical feature of political life in Sri Lanka, this is not so. Before the colonial era, there were Sinhalese kingdoms. There were also some Tamil dominated areas in the northern Jaffna peninsula, but these were under Sinhala control. Invasion by the south-Indian Tamil king Ellare led to a brief period of Tamil-rule in the north, but he was defeated in battle by the Sinhala king Dutugamanu and his armies were vanquished back to India. The Tamil-dominated northern areas have been ruled by Sinhala administrations continuously before and since Ellare.
There is a sizable population of Tamils in the Central Province, descendants of forced laborers from India imported by the British colonial authorities in the nineteenth century. The estate Tamils, as they are called, work mainly in Sri Lanka’s world famous tea plantations. They have been locked in poverty for generations and continue to experience poor living conditions. Originally, they were the chief targets of Sinhala nationalism. Many were deprived of their citizenship in the late 1940s, and there were repeated attempts to repatriate them to India. Although they speak the same language, they are usually considered a separate community from the Tamils of the North and East.
In the decades after independence, Tamils supported a more federal system through the Federal Party. The concept of a separate nation, Tamil Eelam, was proposed by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) in 1976. TULF was a coalition of parties who went on to campaign in the 1977 elections for an independent state for Tamils in Sri Lanka. They won and went to Parliament to represent the northern and eastern provinces. The government banned TULF representatives from parliament for advocating an independent state. Talk and nonviolence actions continued, but youths started to form militant groups, some funded by bank robberies, and military presence in the north also grew.
A deadly attack on the military in the north by Tamil groups sparked riots in Colombo, the capital, and elsewhere in July 1983 (see Black July Pogrom). The riots alleged to have been planned in advance. Between 400-3,000 Tamils were killed [2], and many more fled Sinhalese-majority areas. This is usually considered the beginning of the ethnic conflict. In 1985, peace talks between the Tamils and the government failed, and the war continued. In 1987, government troops pushed the LTTE fighters to the northern city of Jaffna, which remains a center of LTTE activity to this day. In April 1987, the conflict exploded with ferocity, as both the SLA and Tamil groups committed bombings in Jaffna and Colombo respectively and ambushed innocent civilians of opposite ethnicity.
In July 1987, the LTTE carried out their first suicide attack, the first of some seventy six different suicide attacks. In the 1987 attack "Captain Miller" of the Black Tigers drove a small truck with explosives through the wall of a fortified Sri Lankan army camp, reportedly killing forty soldiers.
Initially there was a plethora of different resistance groups. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's position, attempting to learn from the PLO, was that there should be only one. Over time the LTTE merged with or exterminated almost all the other militant Tamil groups.
[edit]
Indian involvement
India became involved in the 1980s. The involvement has been motivated by a mix of issues – its leaders' desire to project India as the regional power in the area, worries about India's own Tamils seeking independence, and a genuine concern for the Sri Lankan Tamils' plight. The latter was particularly strong in the state of Tamil Nadu where there was sympathy for the alleged discrimination against Sri Lankan Tamils by the majority Sinhalese. Uncoordinated in the 1980s, the central and state governments supported both sides in different ways. It is widely believed that India provided the LTTE and other Tamil guerilla groups with monetary and training support.
India became more actively involved in the late 1980s, and in 1987 the Indian Air Force airdropped food parcels to Jaffna. Negotiations were then held, and the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord was signed on July 29, 1987 by Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President Jayewardene. Under this accord, the Sri Lankan Government made a number of concessions to Tamil demands, which included devolution of power to the provinces, merger—subject to later referendum—of the northern and eastern provinces, and official status for the Tamil language (this was eventually enacted as the 13th Amendment). India agreed to establish order in the north and east with an Indian Peace-Keeping Force (IPKF) and to cease assisting Tamil insurgents. Militant groups including the LTTE, although initially reluctant, agreed to surrender their arms to the IPKF.
The Sri Lankan government was facing a mostly unrelated uprising by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna in the south, and called in the Indian military immediately after the agreement was signed. The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was formed, and initially oversaw a cease-fire and modest disarmament of the militant groups. The Sri Lankan government pulled its troops south and put down the JVP rebellion.
As time went on, however, the Indian forces began to meet with stiff opposition from all sides. None of the concessions agreed to in the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement was implemented by the Government of Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government, fearing a large scale rebellion, began to grow wary of the presence of IPKF. Simultaneously, nationalist sentiment led many Sinhalese to oppose the continued presence of the IPKF. These led to the Sri Lankan government's call for India to quit the island, and they allegedly entered into a secret deal with the LTTE that culminated in a ceasefire. However, the LTTE and IPKF continued to have frequent hostilities, and according to some reports, the Sri Lankan government even armed the rebels willing to see the back of the Indian forces. Casualties mounted and eventually India pulled out its troops in March 1990.
Support from India dropped noticeably in 1991, after the assassination of a recently ex-Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, by a woman suicide bomber (Thenmuli Rajaratnam) widely believed to be an LTTE member and a victim of IPKF terror. India remains an outside observer to the ongoing peace process, with frequent demands to press for an extradition of Prabhakaran, even if a peace deal is struck between the parties in the future. India's central government has been firmly against the LTTE, although they do still speak up for Tamils' rights.
In the 1980s and 1990s, successive governments officially revoked some of the discriminatory policies, and recognizing Tamil as an official language. Sinhalese and Muslims today claim they are reverse discriminated. Tamils deny the latter claim, and see the changes that have been made as too little too late.
[edit]
The 1990s
The LTTE took significant parts of the north as the IPKF withdrew, and established many government-like functions in the areas under its control. LTTE attacks on the government continued, and they scored a major victory when one of their suicide bombers killed Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in May 1993.
Amidst great hope, in 1994 elections brought the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to power on a peace platform. After failed peace talks, the government pursued a "war for peace" line, and retook Jaffna (the largest city the north). Repeated attempts by the government to take control of the land route from the south to Jaffna gained ground but ultimately failed. The LTTE then rolled the government out of much of the territory it had taken, but never succeeded in re-taking Jaffna.
The Government forces often attacked civilian buildings such as temples, churches and schools in a bid to stem the growing resistance. These were often safe havens for terrorists fleeing the air raids and their destruction resulted in a high amount of Tamil civilian casualties. In one particular incident in August 1995, Sri Lankan Air Force jets bombed Navali's St. Peter's church, killing at least 75 refugees.
LTTE suicide and time bombs were exploded numerous times in populated city areas and public transport, killing hundreds of civilians. In January 1996, the LTTE carried out their deadliest suicide bomb attack, at the Central bank in Colombo, killing 90 and injuring 1,400. In October 1997 they bombed the Sri Lankan World Trade Center and, in January 1998, detonated a truck bomb in Kandy, damaging the Temple of the Tooth, one of the holiest Buddhist shrines in the World. In response to this bombing, the Sri Lankan government outlawed the LTTE and with some success pressed other governments around the world to do the same, significantly interfering with their fund-raising activities.
From July 1, 1999 to December 20, 1999 the LTTE intensified its attacks on the Sri Lankan armed forces in an attempt to liberate and consolidate territory. The LTTE launched 17 successful attacks in the region which culminated in the overrunning of the Paranthan Chemicals Factory base and the Kurrakkan Kaddukulam base. Thousands were killed. The rebels also advanced north towards Elephant Pass and Jaffna. The LTTE was successful in cutting all land and sea supply lines of the Sri Lankan armed forces in the town of Kilinochchi and surrounding areas. In December 1999 the LTTE tried to kill the Sri Lankan President, Chandrika Kumaratunga. She lost one eye, among other injuries.
At the same time, the suicide rate on the island climbed to become first in the world per capita. [3]
A significant peace movement also developed in the 1990s, with many organisations holding peace camps, conferences, trainings and peace meditations, and many other efforts to bridge the two sides at all levels.
After securing a vast area controlled by the government forces the LTTE further advanced Northwards, this advancement of the LTTE was posing a serious threat to the Elephant Pass military complex that enhoused 17,000 troops of the Sri Lankan forces. [4] On April 22, 2000 the Elephant pass military complex, which had separated the Jaffna peninsula from the Wanni mainland for 17 years, completely fell in the hands of the LTTE.[5], Tigers Seize Elephant Pass.
[edit]
Tentative peace
Approximate extent of area under the control of the LTTE, as of December 2005In 2000 the LTTE began to declare their willingness to explore measures that would safeguard Tamils' rights and autonomy as part of Sri Lanka, and announced a unilateral ceasefire just before Christmas 2000. Their July 2001 assault on Bandaranaike International Airport destroyed 8 (2 IAI Kfirs,2 Mil-17,4 K-7 trainers), of the air force's planes and 4 SriLankan Airlines's planes (2 Airbus A330s,1 A 340 and 1 A320), dampening the economy and causing tourism to plummet. Sri Lankan hopes for a military solution also faded. In parliamentary elections toward the end of the year the United National Front (UNF) came to power on a peace platform.
For the first time since the 1978 constitution introduced a strong presidency, one party held the Presidency (Chandrika Kumaratunga, Sri Lanka Freedom Party) and the other, Parliament (with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, United National Party). This co-habitation was extremely uneasy. The new government reciprocated another unilateral LTTE ceasefire offer at the end of 2001. The LTEE are believed to have taken this action after fear of international pressure and even direct US support of the Sri Lankan Government as part of the War on Terror. The two sides formalized it in a Memorandum of Understanding signed in February 2002. Norway is mediating, together with the other Nordic countries it also monitors the ceasefire through the SLMM and many other countries are offering substantial financial support if peace is achieved.
Some Sinhalese and Muslims have refused to support any concessions unless the LTTE disarms and becomes a democratic political entity.
The LTTE temporarily pulled out of the peace talks in 2003, saying that insufficient attention was being put on developing an interim political solution. The government eventually produced a proposal, and the LTTE a counter-proposal, which President Kumaratunga responded to by taking over several defense-related ministries. Peace talks remained suspended. In 2004 she took over additional ministries, and dissolved Parliament, calling an election, which brought her United People's Freedom Alliance to power.
During the election, LTTE commander Karuna of Batticaloa-Ampara split from the group's main leadership, claiming insufficient resources and power were being given to Tamils of the eastern part of the island. The LTTE officially sacked him, small-scale violence erupted, and tensions were extremely high. After the election, brief fighting south of Trincomalee led to a rapid retreat and capitulation of the Karuna group, their leaders eventually fleeing to Colombo. It has now been revealed that a ruling Muslim politician was involved with Karuna's escape.
The Asian tsunami of late 2004 killed more than 30,000 people in the country. It was hoped that the disaster would bring the warring sides together, but the two sides continued their bickering.
[edit]
Renewed violence
Until 2005, the cease fire between the LTTE and the government largely held. However, the situation was complicated by allegations that both sides were carrying out covert operations against the other. The government claimed that LTTE rebels were killing opponents and government soldiers and getting away with it, while the rebels accused the government of supporting paramilitary groups against the organization.
The foreign minister of Sri Lanka, Lakshman Kadirgamar, was killed by a sniper on August 15, 2005. The government blamed the LTTE, but no retaliation was made.
In the 2005 presidential election, the UNF candidate, Wickremasinghe, advocated reopening talks with the LTTE. The UPFA candidate, Mahinda Rajapakse, called for a tougher line and renegotiation of the ceasefire. The LTTE openly called for a boycott of the election of the Tamils, but believing the Tamils were getting ready to vote in large numbers, the LTTE was accused of using violence and intimidation to enforce the boycott. Losing the chance to get a large number of Tamil votes meant a loss for Wickramasinghe and a narrow win for Rajapakse. Despite being seen as a hardliner, Rajapakse promised to pursue peace and new talks with the rebels.
LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, in an annual address in November, stated that the Tigers would "renew their struggle" in 2006 if the government did not take serious moves toward peace.
Violence escalated in December 2005. Increased guerrilla activity included claymore mine attacks, clashes between the Sea Tigers and the Sri Lankan navy, and the killings of sympathizers on both sides. Prominent figures were targeted for assassination, including Joseph Pararajasingham, a pro-LTTE MP gunned down at a Christmas Mass. This violence left around 200 people dead. [6] The LTTE, following their standard practice, denied responsibility for the attacks, blaming "armed civilian groups" for them. Other incidents such as assassination of Tamil journalists and civilians led the SLMM to question whether a ceasefire can still be said to exist [7]. Observers believed that if serious steps are not taken towards peace, the country would return to war.
[edit]
Another round of talks
In light of this renewed violence, the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor conference called both parties to come to the negotiation table. The co-chairs—the United States in particular—were heavily critical of the LTTE violence. US State Department officials, as well as the US ambassador to Sri Lanka, gave warnings to the Tigers claiming a return to hostilities would mean that the Tigers would face a "more determined" Sri Lankan military.
In a last ditch effort to salvage an agreement between the parties, the Norwegian special envoy Erik Solheim and the LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham came to the island. The parties severely disagreed on the location of the talks; however, these last ditch efforts produced a breakthrough when both parties agreed the talks could be held in Geneva, Switzerland.
On February 7, 2006, Sri Lanka's government and the LTTE agreed to peace talks in Geneva definitively on February 22 and February 23. These talks were reported to have gone "above expectations", with both the government and the LTTE agreeing to curb the violence and to hold talks in April. [8]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_conflict_in_Sri_Lanka
Now that is some of the reasons why the conflict and LTTE began and why it continues.
