SNP leader and Scotland's First Minister Nicola Sturgeon and her anti-English brigade must be faced down.
Theresa May should call her bluff over her demands for another referendum and grant it to her, for Sturgeon is using them to extort yet more largesse from the beleaguered British taxpayers while defying their demands for Brexit.
Bankrupt and ever more dependent on English cash, Scotland would almost certainly vote once again to remain in the Union — a result which might finally bring an end to the miserable Caledonian dirge we have to put up with from north of the border.
Call the McMoaners' bluff! Once more, whingeing Scots Nats are demanding an independence vote. Bring it on, says LEO MCKINSTRY
By Leo Mckinstry For The Daily Mail
15 October 2016
The Nationalists' endless moaning has been given a new, sharper tone recently by the outcome of the European Union Referendum
The great English comic writer P.G.Wodehouse once declared that ‘it is never hard to distinguish between a Scotsman with a grievance and a ray of sunshine’.
Those words could certainly be applied with regard to the Scottish National Party whose influence is largely built on the politics of victimhood.
The outstretched palm for special treatment and the clenched fist of resentment are the two default modes of the Caledonian Nationalists. Hectoring indignation has become the soundtrack of their dominance north of the border.
Their endless moaning has been given a new, sharper tone recently by the outcome of the European Union Referendum.
In contrast to England, where the public voted decisively for Brexit in June, the Scots backed Remain by 62 to 38 per cent.
Ever since then, the SNP has complained that it would be democratically unacceptable for Scotland to be forced out of the EU. This is despite the fact that Scotland is still an integral part of the United Kingdom, its electorate having clearly rejected national independence in September 2014 in another bitterly contested referendum, much to the fury of the SNP.
But then, for all their talk about democracy, the concept of the popular will appears to mean little to the Nationalists. Nothing is allowed to stand in the way of their drive for separatism — as they have proved in their eagerness to exploit Brexit for their own ends.
In an outrageous display of contempt for the verdict of the British people, the Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon told delegates at the SNP’s annual conference in Glasgow last Thursday that she had instructed her 56 MPs to vote against the Brexit Bill — which will repeal the legislation that enacted our EU membership — when it comes before the Commons next year.
Given that the Tories only have a slim majority and pro-EU Conservative dissidents are already causing trouble, the SNP’s belligerence might prove decisive as to whether Brexit actually happens.
Which means, absurdly, that, despite the EU Referendum, the fate of our country could be swayed by a party that does not even believe in the existence of the United Kingdom.
Given that the Tories only have a slim majority and pro-EU Conservative dissidents are already causing trouble, the SNP’s belligerence might prove decisive as to whether Brexit actually happens
Not content with the threat to repeal Brexit, Ms Sturgeon also warned that she would use the pretext of the Brexit vote to publish her own Bill this week calling for a second referendum on Scottish independence.
There was again an unmistakable whiff of political blackmail as she directed her rhetoric at Theresa May: ‘If you think for one single second that I’m not serious about doing what it takes to protect Scotland’s interests, then think again.’
The full cynical ruthlessness of the manoeuvre soon emerged when her office stated that her referendum demand was not so much a proposal for immediate action but rather a negotiating ploy to intimidate the Tory Government into granting far more autonomy to Scotland, with control over everything from immigration to taxation.
This of course would be backed up by continued membership of the Single Market — not forgetting generous subsidies from English taxpayers.
In effect, this would amount to quasi-independence for Scotland under continuing Brussels jurisdiction — all without any need to accept fiscal responsibility for the country’s own expenditure because it is bankrolled by Westminster.
During the last two decades, the English have lavished Scotland with ever greater subsidies and powers. Yet the sole result of this generosity has been to fuel the flames of Scottish nationalism.
So far, the English have shown astonishing forbearance in the face of Nationalist hostility. During the 2014 Referendum, the overwhelming sentiment south of the border was in favour of maintenance of the union.
Like many Britons, I find that my patience with interminable Scottish umbrage is wearing thin
This mood was based on the recognition that, over more than three centuries, England and Scotland together had built one the greatest nations in history: a victor in two world wars, a pioneer of the Industrial Revolution and a beacon of freedom in the world.
There has always been genuine admiration for the unique contribution made by Scots to our island story, from writers such as J.M.Barrie to inventors like John Logie Baird.
Scots staffed our armies, built our bridges, and forged our Empire. No fewer than a third of British colonial governors were Scottish. Today, our greatest sportsman, tennis superstar Andy Murray, is a proud son of Dunblane. Scottishness is essential to British identity, as reflected in the Union Jack that combines the Saltire of St Andrew with the cross of St George.
Against such a rich backdrop, it was understandable that a vote for independence would have been greeted by a profound sense of national loss.
I used to share this affection for the union. Growing up in Ulster, Scotland was an integral part of my life and heritage. I had family and friends in Edinburgh, and visited the city regularly, marvelling at the magnificence of its architecture.
My connection with Scotland deepened in 2004 when I wrote a biography of the enigmatic Scottish aristocrat and 19th century Liberal Prime Minister Archibald Primrose, Lord Rosebery.
The research involved spending long, happy months in the Scottish national archives in Edinburgh, as well as time at the Rosebery family’s beautiful home in Dalmeny, overlooking the Firth of Forth.
But, like many Britons, I find that my patience with interminable Scottish umbrage is wearing thin.
Last week, in a typical outburst, the former Scottish Cabinet Secretary Alex Neil urged his compatriots to ‘set the agenda now’ and ‘force the United Kingdom Cabinet to acknowledge Scotland’s priorities’.
Yet the idea that Scottish demands are unacknowledged by England is absurd. Our political order has been entirely reshaped to accommodate them. Our national culture is exquisitely attuned to Caledonian sensitivities.
Indeed, the real problem is that the relationship between England and Scotland has now become grossly imbalanced, thereby increasing the pressure on the fraying union.
As Scotland asserts itself, the injustices against the English worsen.
During the last two decades, the English have lavished Scotland with ever greater subsidies and powers. Yet the sole result of this generosity has been to fuel the flames of Scottish nationalism
While Scots are encouraged to take ever more fervent pride in their national identity, exactly the opposite is true of the English, who are constantly told that their patriotism is dangerously reactionary. With epic hypocrisy, Scottish nationalism is celebrated, while English nationalism is treated with disdain and derision.
Ms Sturgeon was at it last week, claiming preposterously that Brexit is ‘a licence for xenophobia’.
But why should Scottish self-governance be seen as progressive, and Britain’s freedom from Europe and assertion of national sovereignty be regarded as a kind of bigotry?
The double standards, frankly, stink. Thanks to devolution, English MPs have little say in the running of Scotland, yet Scottish MPs at Westminster still have a decisive role in English politics. Yesterday, for instance, the SNP warned they could torpedo Theresa May’s plans for more grammar schools — even though no grammar schools will be opened in Scotland and even though English MPs have no say on Scottish education policies.
Worse still, English taxpayers spend proportionately much more on Scotland than they do on their own country. According to the Treasury, state expenditure per head in Scotland is £12,800, compared to £11,600 in England.
Much of the Scottish economy is built on the largesse of the English.
The Scots receive all manner of state support that does not exist south of the border, even though the English are the ones providing the subsidies.
Prescription charges and road tolls, for example, have been abolished in Scotland. For the last seven years, NHS spending in Scotland has been 15 per cent higher than in England.
Scots aged over 65 receive free personal and nursing care. Scottish students attending university in their homeland do not have to pay any tuition fees, whereas English students in Scotland have to fork out at least £9,000 a year.
Scottish nationalism has become a vehicle for discord and discrimination. Which is why it is so disturbing that English politicians are behaving in such a cowed way.
The truth is that there is no need for them to grovel before Sturgeon and her noisy supporters.
Scottish nationalism has become a vehicle for discord and discrimination. Which is why it is so disturbing that English politicians are behaving in such a cowed way
The SNP is a far weaker force than it pretends; nor does its separatist cause have any thing like overwhelming support in Scotland.
Despite what Sturgeon says, there is little evidence that Brexit has led to a surge in backing for Scottish independence. One poll in July showed that only 45 per cent of Scots wanted an independent Scotland when the UK leaves the EU, while another last week showed just 38 per cent in favour of an end to the Union.
The SNP loves to pretend that the Scottish people are devoted to the European Union, but there is precious little evidence to support this.
It should be noted that turnout in the EU Referendum in Scotland was just 67.2 per cent, significantly lower than in the whole of the UK at 72.2 per cent.
When the Remainers organised a ‘March for Europe’ in Edinburgh in September, a laughably small crowd of little more 100 people gathered.
One crestfallen participant’s remarks will give you the picture: ‘I was most disappointed with the very low turnout.
What happened to the much publicised march from the Castle to Holyrood? I counted four individuals with flags.’
Just as unconvincing is the SNP’s insistence that the Scots, unlike the supposedly prejudiced English, are enthusiasts for mass immigration, which was by far the biggest issue in the EU Referendum campaign. In fact, a 2014 study showed that 58 per cent of the Scottish people want immigration reduced.
The probable reason that the figure is not even higher is that Scotland has actually experienced far less migration than England: eight per cent of people living in Scotland were born outside the UK, compared to 15 per cent in England.
But the greatest weakness of the Nationalist cause is, of course, the woeful performance of the Scottish economy, which makes independence completely unviable. Gripped by massive debts, gross overspending and lack of enterprise, Scotland is almost a thorough basket case, only kept going by the cash stream from England.
Ironically, the father of free-market economics, Adam Smith, was a Scot. Yet today his homeland is gripped by an enervating dependency culture. Scotland has low levels of self-employment, a dismal growth rate — barely a third that of the UK — and a bloated, sclerotic public sector, which makes up 20.7 per cent of its workforce, compared to 14.9 per cent in the South-East of England.
Despite what Sturgeon says, there is little evidence that Brexit has led to a surge in backing for Scottish independence
The SNP used to claim that the riches of North Sea Oil would be Scotland’s route to prosperity, but that argument has now collapsed with the fall in prices. Incredibly, oil revenues have fallen from £9.6 billion in 2011/12 to just £60 million this year. Research published last week showed that, because of its refusal to curb state spending, Scotland’s fiscal deficit reached £14.8 billion, which is 9.5 per cent of GDP and more than double that of the rest of the UK.
In fact, Scotland now has by far the highest deficit in the whole of the European Union, even worse than the 7.5 per cent in Greece, which has long been a byword for financial irresponsibility.
Such is Scotland’s financial mismanagement and profligacy, it is living in ‘La-la land’ if it thinks it can go it alone in Europe. The scale of Scotland’s overspending would be an all-but insurmountable obstacle to an independent Scotland joining the EU, because Brussels rules stipulate that no member state should be allowed to run a deficit above three per cent of GDP.
Aside from that, the SNP’s enthusiasm for the EU is intellectually fraudulent. While the Nationalists complain about oppression and neglect from England, they want to put Scotland under the yoke of an unelected, unaccountable regime in Brussels.
Similarly, they insist on the importance of the European single market, yet they want to abandon a far more significant single market at home — that of the United Kingdom.
Just 17 per cent of Scottish exports go to the EU, whereas 66 per cent of them go to the UK.
Even Nationalists recognise the flaws in the independence case. Last week, the former Scottish Justice Minister Kenny MacAskill, highlighting the problems with EU membership and the euro, warned that pressure for a second independence referendum could result in ‘a glorious defeat’ that ‘would put back the dream catastrophically’.
And that is precisely why Ms Sturgeon and her anti-English brigade must be faced down.
Theresa May should call her bluff over her demands for another referendum and grant it to her, for Sturgeon is using them to extort yet more largesse from the beleaguered British taxpayers while defying their demands for Brexit.
Bankrupt and ever more dependent on English cash, Scotland would almost certainly vote once again to remain in the Union — a result which might finally bring an end to the miserable Caledonian dirge we have to put up with from north of the border.
Theresa May should call her bluff over her demands for another referendum and grant it to her, for Sturgeon is using them to extort yet more largesse from the beleaguered British taxpayers while defying their demands for Brexit.
Bankrupt and ever more dependent on English cash, Scotland would almost certainly vote once again to remain in the Union — a result which might finally bring an end to the miserable Caledonian dirge we have to put up with from north of the border.
Call the McMoaners' bluff! Once more, whingeing Scots Nats are demanding an independence vote. Bring it on, says LEO MCKINSTRY
By Leo Mckinstry For The Daily Mail
15 October 2016
The Nationalists' endless moaning has been given a new, sharper tone recently by the outcome of the European Union Referendum
The great English comic writer P.G.Wodehouse once declared that ‘it is never hard to distinguish between a Scotsman with a grievance and a ray of sunshine’.
Those words could certainly be applied with regard to the Scottish National Party whose influence is largely built on the politics of victimhood.
The outstretched palm for special treatment and the clenched fist of resentment are the two default modes of the Caledonian Nationalists. Hectoring indignation has become the soundtrack of their dominance north of the border.
Their endless moaning has been given a new, sharper tone recently by the outcome of the European Union Referendum.
In contrast to England, where the public voted decisively for Brexit in June, the Scots backed Remain by 62 to 38 per cent.
Ever since then, the SNP has complained that it would be democratically unacceptable for Scotland to be forced out of the EU. This is despite the fact that Scotland is still an integral part of the United Kingdom, its electorate having clearly rejected national independence in September 2014 in another bitterly contested referendum, much to the fury of the SNP.
But then, for all their talk about democracy, the concept of the popular will appears to mean little to the Nationalists. Nothing is allowed to stand in the way of their drive for separatism — as they have proved in their eagerness to exploit Brexit for their own ends.
In an outrageous display of contempt for the verdict of the British people, the Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon told delegates at the SNP’s annual conference in Glasgow last Thursday that she had instructed her 56 MPs to vote against the Brexit Bill — which will repeal the legislation that enacted our EU membership — when it comes before the Commons next year.
Given that the Tories only have a slim majority and pro-EU Conservative dissidents are already causing trouble, the SNP’s belligerence might prove decisive as to whether Brexit actually happens.
Which means, absurdly, that, despite the EU Referendum, the fate of our country could be swayed by a party that does not even believe in the existence of the United Kingdom.
Given that the Tories only have a slim majority and pro-EU Conservative dissidents are already causing trouble, the SNP’s belligerence might prove decisive as to whether Brexit actually happens
Not content with the threat to repeal Brexit, Ms Sturgeon also warned that she would use the pretext of the Brexit vote to publish her own Bill this week calling for a second referendum on Scottish independence.
There was again an unmistakable whiff of political blackmail as she directed her rhetoric at Theresa May: ‘If you think for one single second that I’m not serious about doing what it takes to protect Scotland’s interests, then think again.’
The full cynical ruthlessness of the manoeuvre soon emerged when her office stated that her referendum demand was not so much a proposal for immediate action but rather a negotiating ploy to intimidate the Tory Government into granting far more autonomy to Scotland, with control over everything from immigration to taxation.
This of course would be backed up by continued membership of the Single Market — not forgetting generous subsidies from English taxpayers.
In effect, this would amount to quasi-independence for Scotland under continuing Brussels jurisdiction — all without any need to accept fiscal responsibility for the country’s own expenditure because it is bankrolled by Westminster.
During the last two decades, the English have lavished Scotland with ever greater subsidies and powers. Yet the sole result of this generosity has been to fuel the flames of Scottish nationalism.
So far, the English have shown astonishing forbearance in the face of Nationalist hostility. During the 2014 Referendum, the overwhelming sentiment south of the border was in favour of maintenance of the union.
Like many Britons, I find that my patience with interminable Scottish umbrage is wearing thin
This mood was based on the recognition that, over more than three centuries, England and Scotland together had built one the greatest nations in history: a victor in two world wars, a pioneer of the Industrial Revolution and a beacon of freedom in the world.
There has always been genuine admiration for the unique contribution made by Scots to our island story, from writers such as J.M.Barrie to inventors like John Logie Baird.
Scots staffed our armies, built our bridges, and forged our Empire. No fewer than a third of British colonial governors were Scottish. Today, our greatest sportsman, tennis superstar Andy Murray, is a proud son of Dunblane. Scottishness is essential to British identity, as reflected in the Union Jack that combines the Saltire of St Andrew with the cross of St George.
Against such a rich backdrop, it was understandable that a vote for independence would have been greeted by a profound sense of national loss.
I used to share this affection for the union. Growing up in Ulster, Scotland was an integral part of my life and heritage. I had family and friends in Edinburgh, and visited the city regularly, marvelling at the magnificence of its architecture.
My connection with Scotland deepened in 2004 when I wrote a biography of the enigmatic Scottish aristocrat and 19th century Liberal Prime Minister Archibald Primrose, Lord Rosebery.
The research involved spending long, happy months in the Scottish national archives in Edinburgh, as well as time at the Rosebery family’s beautiful home in Dalmeny, overlooking the Firth of Forth.
But, like many Britons, I find that my patience with interminable Scottish umbrage is wearing thin.
Last week, in a typical outburst, the former Scottish Cabinet Secretary Alex Neil urged his compatriots to ‘set the agenda now’ and ‘force the United Kingdom Cabinet to acknowledge Scotland’s priorities’.
Yet the idea that Scottish demands are unacknowledged by England is absurd. Our political order has been entirely reshaped to accommodate them. Our national culture is exquisitely attuned to Caledonian sensitivities.
Indeed, the real problem is that the relationship between England and Scotland has now become grossly imbalanced, thereby increasing the pressure on the fraying union.
As Scotland asserts itself, the injustices against the English worsen.
During the last two decades, the English have lavished Scotland with ever greater subsidies and powers. Yet the sole result of this generosity has been to fuel the flames of Scottish nationalism
While Scots are encouraged to take ever more fervent pride in their national identity, exactly the opposite is true of the English, who are constantly told that their patriotism is dangerously reactionary. With epic hypocrisy, Scottish nationalism is celebrated, while English nationalism is treated with disdain and derision.
Ms Sturgeon was at it last week, claiming preposterously that Brexit is ‘a licence for xenophobia’.
But why should Scottish self-governance be seen as progressive, and Britain’s freedom from Europe and assertion of national sovereignty be regarded as a kind of bigotry?
The double standards, frankly, stink. Thanks to devolution, English MPs have little say in the running of Scotland, yet Scottish MPs at Westminster still have a decisive role in English politics. Yesterday, for instance, the SNP warned they could torpedo Theresa May’s plans for more grammar schools — even though no grammar schools will be opened in Scotland and even though English MPs have no say on Scottish education policies.
Worse still, English taxpayers spend proportionately much more on Scotland than they do on their own country. According to the Treasury, state expenditure per head in Scotland is £12,800, compared to £11,600 in England.
Much of the Scottish economy is built on the largesse of the English.
The Scots receive all manner of state support that does not exist south of the border, even though the English are the ones providing the subsidies.
Prescription charges and road tolls, for example, have been abolished in Scotland. For the last seven years, NHS spending in Scotland has been 15 per cent higher than in England.
Scots aged over 65 receive free personal and nursing care. Scottish students attending university in their homeland do not have to pay any tuition fees, whereas English students in Scotland have to fork out at least £9,000 a year.
Scottish nationalism has become a vehicle for discord and discrimination. Which is why it is so disturbing that English politicians are behaving in such a cowed way.
The truth is that there is no need for them to grovel before Sturgeon and her noisy supporters.
Scottish nationalism has become a vehicle for discord and discrimination. Which is why it is so disturbing that English politicians are behaving in such a cowed way
The SNP is a far weaker force than it pretends; nor does its separatist cause have any thing like overwhelming support in Scotland.
Despite what Sturgeon says, there is little evidence that Brexit has led to a surge in backing for Scottish independence. One poll in July showed that only 45 per cent of Scots wanted an independent Scotland when the UK leaves the EU, while another last week showed just 38 per cent in favour of an end to the Union.
The SNP loves to pretend that the Scottish people are devoted to the European Union, but there is precious little evidence to support this.
It should be noted that turnout in the EU Referendum in Scotland was just 67.2 per cent, significantly lower than in the whole of the UK at 72.2 per cent.
When the Remainers organised a ‘March for Europe’ in Edinburgh in September, a laughably small crowd of little more 100 people gathered.
One crestfallen participant’s remarks will give you the picture: ‘I was most disappointed with the very low turnout.
What happened to the much publicised march from the Castle to Holyrood? I counted four individuals with flags.’
Just as unconvincing is the SNP’s insistence that the Scots, unlike the supposedly prejudiced English, are enthusiasts for mass immigration, which was by far the biggest issue in the EU Referendum campaign. In fact, a 2014 study showed that 58 per cent of the Scottish people want immigration reduced.
The probable reason that the figure is not even higher is that Scotland has actually experienced far less migration than England: eight per cent of people living in Scotland were born outside the UK, compared to 15 per cent in England.
But the greatest weakness of the Nationalist cause is, of course, the woeful performance of the Scottish economy, which makes independence completely unviable. Gripped by massive debts, gross overspending and lack of enterprise, Scotland is almost a thorough basket case, only kept going by the cash stream from England.
Ironically, the father of free-market economics, Adam Smith, was a Scot. Yet today his homeland is gripped by an enervating dependency culture. Scotland has low levels of self-employment, a dismal growth rate — barely a third that of the UK — and a bloated, sclerotic public sector, which makes up 20.7 per cent of its workforce, compared to 14.9 per cent in the South-East of England.
Despite what Sturgeon says, there is little evidence that Brexit has led to a surge in backing for Scottish independence
The SNP used to claim that the riches of North Sea Oil would be Scotland’s route to prosperity, but that argument has now collapsed with the fall in prices. Incredibly, oil revenues have fallen from £9.6 billion in 2011/12 to just £60 million this year. Research published last week showed that, because of its refusal to curb state spending, Scotland’s fiscal deficit reached £14.8 billion, which is 9.5 per cent of GDP and more than double that of the rest of the UK.
In fact, Scotland now has by far the highest deficit in the whole of the European Union, even worse than the 7.5 per cent in Greece, which has long been a byword for financial irresponsibility.
Such is Scotland’s financial mismanagement and profligacy, it is living in ‘La-la land’ if it thinks it can go it alone in Europe. The scale of Scotland’s overspending would be an all-but insurmountable obstacle to an independent Scotland joining the EU, because Brussels rules stipulate that no member state should be allowed to run a deficit above three per cent of GDP.
Aside from that, the SNP’s enthusiasm for the EU is intellectually fraudulent. While the Nationalists complain about oppression and neglect from England, they want to put Scotland under the yoke of an unelected, unaccountable regime in Brussels.
Similarly, they insist on the importance of the European single market, yet they want to abandon a far more significant single market at home — that of the United Kingdom.
Just 17 per cent of Scottish exports go to the EU, whereas 66 per cent of them go to the UK.
Even Nationalists recognise the flaws in the independence case. Last week, the former Scottish Justice Minister Kenny MacAskill, highlighting the problems with EU membership and the euro, warned that pressure for a second independence referendum could result in ‘a glorious defeat’ that ‘would put back the dream catastrophically’.
And that is precisely why Ms Sturgeon and her anti-English brigade must be faced down.
Theresa May should call her bluff over her demands for another referendum and grant it to her, for Sturgeon is using them to extort yet more largesse from the beleaguered British taxpayers while defying their demands for Brexit.
Bankrupt and ever more dependent on English cash, Scotland would almost certainly vote once again to remain in the Union — a result which might finally bring an end to the miserable Caledonian dirge we have to put up with from north of the border.
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