Ontario—a key engine of Canada’s economy and a cornerstone of the nation’s fiscal framework—is struggling. The province is shouldering an increasingly heavy load when it comes to supporting other regions and filling Ottawa’s coffers. With Ontario stretched to its financial limits, and the federal government still comfortably in the black, some are asking whether Ottawa is killing its golden goose.
The federal government has long taken relatively more out of Ontario to support [not improve] less well-off provinces. Implicit inter-regional transfers are an integral feature of Canada’s federal system, and the notion of “rich” provinces lending a hand to the less well-off is not the issue. Today’s debate instead centres on the scale of this burden on Ontario. Ontario’s $23 Billion “Gap”
The federal government can trumpet recent investments [no, blind handouts/politicking as usual as always that haven't accomplished anything in the last 100 years but harm and won't accomplish anything over the next 5 years; we don't have another 100 years] in some Canadian provinces, but it’s the tidal wave of money heading the other way, and the resulting “gap” that garners headlines in Ontario. [And certainly not from me, Blair buggy software, Witch Project, whatever it is.]
Far from an obscure accounting concept, Ontario’s “gap” is simply the difference between what the federal government collects in the province (largely income taxes, EI premiums, GST on provincial spending and other indirect taxes) and what it gives back (via direct spending, transfers to persons [EI, Ontarians pay out the same but get the least in the Canadas, and CPP is a direct transfer to persons], businesses and lower-level governments, plus a portion of interest on the national debt [and, as others and all three parties of the Ontario government work it out, Ontario's share of the ridiculous "surpluses" the confederates have run up on the backs of Ontarians; and Quebeckers and Albertans and British Columbians. If the confederates want to pay $22 billion/year down on the federal debt, which they have not done, $7 billion/year is the average debt reduction from fiscal 1997-98, the end of the "deficit era" through 2003-04 while "surpluses" over the same period have totaled a bare minimum of $65 billion, then it goes in the budget and they pass the budget at least pretending that we have a "democracy." If they wanted $22 billion/year, the average stolen from Ontario since the confederate deficit was paid off, fiscal years 1997-98 through 2003-04, for some contingency reserve/slush fund, then it goes in the budget and the "Government/Executive branch" (party in power) passes/rams the budget down our throats via "the Commons" or "legislature", at least pretending that we have a "democracy." Anything that is not budgeted for does not belong to the federal government (or a provincial government that screws up a budget and ends up with "surplus taxes"; it's our money and it's not up to them to dictate what they will do with our surplus tax money). It can be, but they must consult with the Ontario, Quebec, Alberta and British Columbia governments at minumum to find out what to do with our revenues -- or they will get their budgets under control and cut federal taxes or we will squash them like bugs, with no choice in the matter. "Surplus" is nothing but overtaxation, usually accidental but it's quite a pattern around the current confederates and it's not $1 billion here, $500 million there but at least $65 billion over the last 8 years; which is explained in charts and words but the charts are not removable from the PDF]).
Focusing purely on federal receipts and disbursements, this measure controls for self-inflicted provincial fiscal pressure from either spending hikes or tax cuts [within Ontario or any other jurisdiction, smearing runny, smelly sh.t all over anyone trying to claim that the fiscal imbalance is due to whatever provincial government policy because it has nothing to do with that; federal receipts are federal receipts, federal disbursements to each jurisdiction, per capita, are federal disbursements and if "equalized" then everything is supposed to be relatively equal to pay for healthcare, education, social servies, infrastructure, etc. -- but that is a big fat lie, which is what the fiscal imbalance is and is what it proves].
The bottom line is that Ottawa runs a huge operating surplus in Ontario [which is called an operating deficit in Ontario], with today’s gap, at $23 billion, ten times what it was a decade ago (Chart 1). Its sheer magnitude weighs on an already burdened economy, taxing the Ontario government’s ability to invest in a
strong, vibrant provincial (and hence national) economy.
Federal-Provincial Imbalance
At its root, Ontario’s gap is a byproduct of a federal-provincial fiscal imbalance. A decade ago, still in the midst of a deficit era, the federal government borrowed to make up the shortfall between what it netted from the rich provinces and what it gave to poorer regions. But responsibility for financing interregional distributions now falls squarely on the rich provinces, with Ottawa applying any excess cash to its own debt paydowns. [Mostly "surpluses" that just magically disappear -- to anywhere/everywhere but Ontario and Alberta.]
According to Statistics Canada’s Provincial Economic Accounts, the combined federal surplus in Ontario, Alberta and BC had ballooned to $30 billion by 2002 (the latest figures available).
After net investments in [harmful handouts to, based on politics not intelligence/trying to improve anything] the remaining provinces and territories, $7 billion flowed through to Ottawa’s bottom line surplus (Chart 2), following even larger surpluses in 2000-2001 (averaging $14 billion [half of the average debt repayment over the same period of time]).
Net federal withdrawals from Ontario alone have averaged $22 billion in the eight years since Ottawa restored black ink to its books. Thus, federal surpluses and associated debt reduction—a hallmark of today’s federal government, likely totaling $65 billion by the time the dust settles on 2004/05—were built largely on the back of Ontario (Chart 3).
Had the federal government instead set aside only its $3 billion annual contingency reserve for debt reduction, the federal debt-to-GDP ratio would still have fallen to 42%—miles from the 68% peak and very close to today’s actual ratio of 39%. But that course of action would have left an aggregate $40 billion in the provinces since 1997/98 [Heaven forefend :roll:].
Ontario’s share of those extra funds could have gone to any number of priorities: households confronting high energy prices, sluggish wages and record debt levels; businesses saddled with a currency-induced erosion in competitiveness; or a provincial government facing a hefty budgetary shortfall and spiraling health costs. [Or all of the above in proper measure to improve economic growth, which produces more revenues/federal receipts for, maybe some plan of some sort with brains behind it in/for "have not" jurisdictions to actually improve their economies. The U.S. is doing a better job, with no transfers, of reducing economic disparities between states and Ireland is another example but just about everything is a better example compared to this mess over the last 50 years.]
On the Outside Looking In
In slaying a chronic deficit, the federal government asked [the IMF ordered the confederates to cut transfers to] all provinces to get by with relatively less. Although the fiscal gap between Ontario and the rest of Canada has held relatively steady [much higher above all other provinces combined, as Chart 4 shows; but the charts are not removable from the PDF], the difference is that most other provinces still get back more than they hand over (Chart 4).
The federal government affords Alberta treatment similar to that of Ontario. As a share of GDP or in per capita terms, Ottawa’s operating surplus in Alberta [Alberta's confederate operating deficit] actually exceeds that of Ontario. [Per capita; Alberta doesn't have the population of the GTA, by 2 million fewer people.] As rich, “have” provinces, both find themselves on the outside looking in when it comes to some fiscal transfers. But comparisons end there.
Breakneck energy development and rock-solid domestic demand have given Alberta a significant economic edge over Ontario, one that should extend at least through 2006 (see our latest issue of Provincial Forecast, “Growth on an Uneven Footing”). Alberta’s government is debt free and enormous energy royalties provide unparalleled fiscal latitude going forward. Indeed, conservative energy price forecasts mean the provincial government is likely to enjoy multi-billion dollar revenue “surprises” in 2005/06 and beyond. So insulated is it fiscally, that Ottawa’s policies (while closely watched) leave much less of a mark on Alberta's provincial finances (Chart 5).
Ontario, meanwhile, looks to have missed out on the notable fiscal improvement enjoyed elsewhere in 2004/05. Newfoundland & Labrador and PEI slashed deficits, BC and New Brunswick moved into the black, while Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta enlarged existing surpluses. Ontario’s latest projections pointed to a $5 billion deficit for 2004/05 (before setting $1 billion aside for contingencies), little changed from the prior year’s sizeable shortfall. The bond market has taken notice. Since the start of fiscal 2003, every province has seen its spread vs Ontario improve. Two years ago, only Alberta 10-years traded through Ontario. Today, five other provinces are through or effectively flat to that key provincial credit (Chart 6).
For most, enhanced 2004/05 budgetary results capture efforts by Ottawa to address the vertical fiscal imbalance. Roughly $75 billion (over 10 years) was granted to the provinces under new health and equalization agreements last year. That was subsequently augmented by accords with Newfoundland & Labrador and Nova Scotia, allowing both to retain 100% of their offshore energy revenue without [any deductions to] equalization [welfare handouts that Ontarians pay for the bulk of; for another ten years when it accomplished nothing over the last 10 years because it's all politicking: there are no brains behind any of it, just political lies].
The resulting 33% spike in federal transfers to lower levels of government in 2004/05 marks the largest percentage increase in more than thirty years. Adding 4%-plus average annual growth in the coming five years, however, still leaves transfers as a share of GDP about a point shy of where they routinely ran prior to the cuts that formed a central plank of Ottawa’s deficit reduction strategy.
Although Ontario receives a full, per capita share of the new health money, like Alberta, it has no claim on the $33 billion equalization top-up. As a result, Ontario’s slice of all the new money unveiled last fall is barely 20%—about half of its population share. [20% share for 40% of the population; ya, that's equal and fair; out of our own money. :roll:]
Based on today’s population, Ontario and Alberta will receive a cumulative $1,300 per person [it's how to "equalize" given that the City of Toronto's irrelevant, due to millions of commuters who pay no residential property taxes, all the City of Toronto has to pay for everything with, and what's left of residential property taxes that the "Ontario" feds don't steal, all four provinces of the Atlantic Canadas don't even have the resident population of the City of Toronto: nor do Saskatchewan and Manitoba combined], under the new health/equalization deals, while the weighted average for the remaining provinces stands at $3,300 per person (Chart 7).
[NOW. For anyone who has a clue what transfer payments are supposed to be for, the Canada Health Transfer (CHT), which has the Health Reform Transfer (HRT) merged into it, is supposed to "equalize" the expenses of healthcare across every province and territory -- per person. But there are no standards and there is no measurement system.
How much does a flu shot cost in the 16-25 age group, per person, as the national average? THE CHT DOESN'T KNOW OR CARE. It's blind. What's the national average percentage of persons in the 16-25 age group who get flu shots? THE CHT DOESN'T KNOW OR CARE.
Just one simple example issue and you need the national average to know which jurisdiction's flu shots in that age group cost the most in, to figure out why. If the national average per flu shot cost, in total, all administraton (and every Department/"Ministry" of Health knows but the CHT doesn't bother with that) costs, is $52 and it's relatively flat across all jurisdictions, but it's $75 in one jurisdiction and $82 in another jurisdiction -- and the percentage of people getting flu shots across all age ranges in those jurisdictions is 30% higher than in every other jurisdiction then why is that? And how could the blind CHT possibly "equalize" it when all it cares about is revenues per capita?
Healthcare taxes were raised in Ontario in 2003 by the McGuinty Liberal Liars (politicians, what else is new) and physiotherapy, chiropractic and eyecare was de-listed from OHIP while other jurisdictions could be covering shaves and haircuts -- because the confederates don't know or care, they're provincial/territorial programs, not federal, but the confederates claim that the CHT "equalizes" expenses when it doesn't have the faintest clue in the world what the expenses of anything are and with no standards, what is covered and not by public health insurance because it's provincial/territorial jurisdiction -- not theirs.
We can and do measure it all. Lots of things do, but not the confederates and not the blind CHT that claims to "equalize costs" per person and cannot possibly make that claim.
The Canada Social Transfer (CST), formerly one transfer and the largest transfer and every jurisdiction got the CHST (Canada Health and Social Transfer (CHST)), split into the CHT/CST in 2004, and every jurisdiction gets the CHT/CST. It's the money Ontario and Alberta are getting back because neither have any claim to the "equalization" transfer.
Ontario has the lowest number of General Practioners/Family Physicians and specialists and Registered Nurses per 10,000 people in all of the Canadas and is well below the national average in hospital beds per 10,000 people -- due to the fact that few Canadians even know what transfers are, or how they claim to work but clearly do not: because the "transfer system" is brainless and blind. It knows nothing and cannot possibly "equalize" anything as a result.
The Canada Social Transfer (CST) is supposed to "equalize" whatever the hell "social services" happens to mean, as around healthcare, provincial/territrial jurisdiction/programs and the CST has no clue or care what any of them are. Just revenues per capita "for whatever the hell social services happens to mean per province/territory."
Welfare (workfare in Ontario) is a common social service, every jurisdiction has it, but what's the national average in entitlements per single person, per married couple, per whatever per kid? WHO CARES, the confederates don't measure it and the CST has no clue.
What is the national average in administration costs per type of welfare coverage per person? WHO CARES, the confederates don't measure it and the CHT has no clue. Or care.
So with this non-knowledge of anything (by the confederates/CST), which jurisdiction pays out the most in welfare entitlements, per single person, per married couple (or however the jurisdiction works it out) and per kid? Which pays out the least and how far above the national average is "the most" and how far below the national average is "the least?" With no national standards around one common social service, welfare (workfare in Ontario) there is no way to even measure it in any coherent manner.
But the CST claims to "equalize" expenses across all provinces and territories, per person, without even defining what "social services" means.
"Social Services" could cover shaves and haircuts in Nunuvat, so it's "social services" department(s) would have higher expenses, to bitch to the confederates that "they don't have enough money" -- and as per usual around this bulls..t political game, the Nunavat government will get extra, without a care in the world that no other jurisdiction is covering shaves and haircuts or whatever the hell "social services" happens to mean. It's a sick joke to even claim that it "equalizes."
The CST also claims to "equalize" post-secondary education expenses but with the lowest per capita revenues in the Canadas, Ontario has the lowest student:faculty ratio in the Canadas, the highest tuitions in the Canadas and the highest loan burden and lowest grant offset in the Canadas, per student.
If the thing is going to claim to "equalize" social services then perhaps it should define what they are: and federal standards would have to be enforced across all jurisdictions to equalize what social services is and what it pays out and costs; the salaries of all social workers and everyone else involved, across the Canadas would have to be standardized and dictated federally.
Student:faculty ratios would have to be standardized and enforced by the confederates, what faculty are paid, what everyone around post-secondary schools is paid (janitors, contractors, clerks), how many post-secondary schools there can be per student (which would close post-secondary schools everywhere in the Canadas because Ontario has the lowest/worst everything per student; or raise Ontario up to the national standard and please get it through your heads in the Atlantic Canadas that you do not even have the resident population of the City of Toronto in all four provinces and even fewer people in Saskatchewan and Manitoba combined; tons of crap in the Atlantic Canadas, Manitoba and Saskatchewan (not even 1 million people in the whole province when we get that many commuters in the City of Toronto a day and plenty of them are students -- there were 10,706,513 people, 93% of Ontario's population in South Ontario in the 2001 Census and it matters quite a lot due to this confederate "per person" crap around every transfer that claims to "equalize" and they all do, but it's a big fat lie -- which is what the Ontario fiscal gap/imbalance proves) would be closed down, hospitals, every single public health insurance plan has to cover the exact same, charge the exact same, all GP/FP/RNs and specialists have to be paid the exact same per everything across the board and the exact same number of hospital beds per capita would be enforced -- which would remove hospital beds, GP/FP/RNs and specialists from every jurisdiction in the Canadas or add more to Ontario.
Or stop the bullshit claim that the CHT or CST "equalize" anything. Or better yet, dump it all and come up with a system that actually works and one transfer that is simple and easy to understand, which is what is going to happen and not because I say so but because the confederates cannot withstand an onslaught from Ontario and survive, and as soon as Quebec, Alberta and B.C. catch a hint of South Ontario throwing its hands in the air at the confederates they'll have a lot more to worry about than "just" Ontario.
But then, along comes the "equalization" transfer, which is nothing but welfare. Explanations of it that are one page and don't go into any details, like on the Finance Canada website, makes it look quite simple. (The territories have another "formula" for equalization.)
"National provincial revenues per capita" is a line across a bar chart and a specific number/dollar amount. Any jurisdiction with revenues over the line doesn't get equalization (other than Alberta, B.C. and Saskatchewan for many years; because the rules/lies sound good but they're not followed; no lie is). Any provincial government (Dept. of Finance) that falls below the line gets a transfer from the confederate Dept. of Finance ("Finance Canada") to get it up to the line -- which is nothing but welfare, it operates on the same principle and has never pretended to be some investment program to improve economies.
It is not an investment program, it is simply supposed to top up the revenues of any provincial Dept. of Finance that doesn't get the average "national provincial revenues per capita" up to the national average.
But it totally ignores all other transfers, it doesn't take into account that the CHT/CST are already (supposedly) "equalized" so it double-equalizes. As in revenues received from all federal disbursements period should be, but are not counted as the province's "revenues per capita" before "equalization" is applied; which is upside-down, "equalization" is supposed to be the very last resort, a welfare transfer to top up the revenues of a provincial Dept. of Finance that does not have (in total, another lie) the "national average provincial revenues per capita" -- which is another lie. Only 5 provinces make up this "national average" (Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, B.C., "middle-income" provinces leaving out Alberta at the high end, per capita due to no capita to speak of, and leaving out the Atlantic Canadas at the low end) and only 33 sources of provincial revenues in those 5 provinces are counted in this "national average provincial revenues per capita" lie.
But the Atlantic Canadas want Alberta's oil/gas royalties to be added to the formula without counting their own; and 70% of the 100% of all revenues every provincial Dept. of Finance makes from natural resources are supposed to be deducted from the equalization welfare handout, but NL and NS had 10 years of 0% being deducted and just got another 10 years of 0% being deducted; but not Saskatchewan. Can you say mess?
ONE TRANSFER is all we need. Real provincial revenues per capita in all 10 provinces, 100% of all revenues are counted in every province, divided by the population of the province and you get "revenues per capita" (per person) for each province. Add the 10 numbers together then divide by 10 to get the real average.
Then 100% of all provincial revenues with no exceptions, ever, with all federal disbursements included (and that includes subsidies from the "Canadian" Wheat Board that only subsidizes farmers in the prairies, so their web page claims and it's a sorry sight, $4-$6 billion in revenues per year but $6 billion in federal grants per year, so at the very best it breaks even, without including the real subsidies; RCMP law enforcement is federal, it's a subsidy that Ontario and Quebec don't get, CBC TV/radio stations have to be accounted for, they make money selling ad space, how I don't know but they do, they have to run it like a public corporation, it's not difficult to find their assets/liabilities and where; they make money in South Ontario, more than enough to cover North Ontario and the surplus has to be deducted from Ontario's federal disbursements, ditto in Montreal region, it more than pays for itself to cover Quebec, because it has real markets, ditto with the Lower Mainland-south Vancouver Island and the Calgary-Edmonton Corridor -- deductions from federal disbursements for Ontario, Quebec, B.C. and Alberta, additions to federal disbursements everywhere else due to no markets to speak of -- all real provincial revenues period and then any provincial Dept. of Finance that falls below the real national provincial average gets its revenues topped up with one transfer called what it is: equalization.
No exceptions, no deals, if the confederates (or if they lose it, try to dictate to the Windsor-Quebec City Corridor, Lower Mainland-south Vancouver Island, Calgary-Edmonton Corridor, "Ontario, Quebec, B.C. and Alberta" -- the only jurisdictions that pay anything into this "federation" -- we own their asses, we'll have to dump them, which is likely and will be a good thing not a bad thing, unless you like elected dictatorships and far worse than communism), with agreements from Ontario, Quebec, Alberta and B.C. (Saskatchewan soon enough will be paying something into the "federation" for the first time ever) could come up with a proper investment program that actually works, has eyes, ears, brains and is out to improve other economies instead of keeping them down, which is all the current mess does and has ever done -- with ample proof of that.
Now that per person is out of the way around federal disbursements, and those who bothered to read the above have some clue how the "transfer system" doesn't and can't work -- there's much more, it gets a lot worse but the above is enough to get somewhat clued in...]
Further, having established an elevated floor for equalization (at what amounts to record levels and building in an annual escalator [3.5% guaranteed increases to everything on the "equalization" transfer, which inlcudes everything but Ontario and Alberta, anyone can check it at Finance Canada, I've already posted the link in this thread, more than once, while Ontario's economy, so revenues/federal receipts, are not guaranteed to grow by 2% next year let alone every year at 3.5% for the next ten years to pay for it; and not to put down Alberta at all but it pays out about a billion dollars less in the only revenues/federal receipts that matter, never to be seen again, than the City of Toronto alone pays out, never to be seen again. Alberta's economy is good for its population but B.C. generates more revenues and Quebec generates about double what B.C. does and Ontario about double again and they're the only jurisdictions paying anything into this "federation." When, not if, another economic downturn hits, where the confederates think the money is going to come from to pay for the "deals" they made to buy votes, nothing but politics it has nothing to do with improving other economies and ditto at the provincial level in the "have not" jurisdictions, it's a big fat lie: not that money transfers should take place but ones that work, have some brains behind them, and can actually pay for themselves, are quite necessary], the link between regional economic performance and the scope of equalization transfers has been severed.
An erosion in Ontario’s relative fiscal capacity will no longer temper equalization outlays to the “have nots”. [This has never been the case before. The 2004 "equalization" renewal, and the side-deals with NL and NS, has the whole mess totally disconnected from anything's ability to PAY for any of it.] Instead, receiving provinces can bank on an equalization pie that is slated to grow going forward [and good luck paying for that insanity: and marcarc, I have lots for you to read; or not, but it may help out. You are being suckered by politicians and the Atlantic Canadas will always be down as long as, not transfers, but the existing mess that is blind and does nothing but advance the "careers" of lying politicians. There are much more intelligent ways to get Atlantic Canada on its feet and as strong as hell and ditto for Manitoba].
The side deals on offshore energy, while a boon for Newfoundland & Labrador and Nova Scotia, implicitly raise equalization payments above the level they otherwise would have been. Not surprisingly, other provinces are demanding that they too see additional federal support. Ontario has requested an immediate $5 billion payment and there are calls from other corners for related side deals.
[And the confederates wouldn't even meet with Ontario's Premier to discuss anything. The confederates not only let the NL Dept. of Finance keep 100% of our offshore royalties with 0% being applied against "equalization" welfare handouts paid for almost entirely by Ontarians, for another ten years when the last 10 years accomplished worse than nothing, as researched and documented by the Atlantic Institute for Market Research, but handed it $2 billion on top of that, for no apparent reason. $2 billion in NL is $3,868 per person. The same in Ontario totals $47,934,963,600, the same $3,868 per capita (person, same thing) would cost $47.9 billion. $5 billion only amounts to $403 per person in Ontario.]
Where We’re Headed
In the end, today’s political reality could force the federal government to address the province’s fiscal challenges. Ontario, as always, will play a vital role in determining the outcome of the next federal election—with an election call increasingly likely this spring, as mounting fallout from the Gomery inquiry emboldens the opposition.
Ontario has been a vital base of support for the Liberals in past elections (Chart 8 ). More than half the party’s Parliamentary bench strength is derived from the province, where they currently hold 74 of 106 seats. A pledge to address Ontario’s gap could shore up Liberal chances in this key battleground. Still, as we've seen with the 2005 federal budget, the minority government remains at the mercy of other parties when it comes to ultimately delivering on its promises.
The Conservative party, for its part, has struck a sympathetic stance on the province’s funding request, but Ontario would do well to await arrival of a Government of Canada cheque before earmarking newfound pledges of support to its various priorities.
For the time being, the province will keep up its PR efforts, keen on attracting ever more attention to its fiscal plight.
Note: As of mid-April, Ontario, Québec and Nova Scotia (accounting for roughly 80% of provincial direct & guaranteed bond/MTN issuance in 2004/05) had yet to release their 2005 budgets. A new issue of Canadian Financing Quarterly will be issued following completion of the provincial budget season, highlighting borrowing developments to watch for this fiscal year.