With Britain's most recent civil war between the Loyalists and the Republicans in Northern Ireland over - the Loyalists (pro-British) and Republicans (pro-Irish) laying down their weapons - Stephen Glover talks about Northern Ireland's two new leaders (the Republican McGuinness and the Loyalist Paisley) and how the Government's early release of many Republican and Loyalist prisoners (242 Republican and 157 Loyalist) thanks to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement could be a boost to many other terrorists, mainly Islamists.
The War killed 953 British soldiers and policemen and 2,359 civilians.....
Forgive me if I don't join in this great Ulster backslapping bonanza
10th May 2007
Daily Mail
Stephen Glover
The Republican: Murderer Martin McGuinness (former commander of the IRA) now has a seat in Westminster as the co-leader of Northern Ireland, along with his Loyalist enemy Ian Paisley
The Loyalist: The Rev Ian Paisley, who fought for Northern Ireland to remain as part of Britain, detests Catholics. As the other leader of Northern Ireland, along with his former enemy McGuinness (it's a powersharing government that the province has), he has a seat in Westminster
The new powersharing government set up in Northern Ireland has been greeted with rapture in much of the Press and by the BBC.
We have been told that Republican and Loyalist former extremists have come together in some sort of miraculous marriage. There has been little adverse comment.
I must say that the photographs of Dr Paisley, the new First Minister, and Martin McGuinness, his deputy, joshing and laughing together made me decidedly queasy.
Paisley, an arch-Loyalist (the Loyalists are the allies of the British), has been a bigot, as well as a crude and destructive critic of Roman Catholicism. The only good thing that can be said about him is that he has never openly espoused violence, though he has come close to it.
McGuinness (Republican) is even worse - he is a murderer, according to the former Tory Minister Peter Lilley, who has alleged in the House of Commons that Mr McGuinness once told him that he had 12 Catholic informers killed in Northern Ireland.
McGuinness appeared in a Dublin court in 1973, after having been found close to a car filled with 250lb of explosives and 5,000 rounds of ammunition.
He is a former commander of the Provisional IRA.
Of course, I understand the arguments in favour of the settlement in Northern Ireland, and to a large extent I accept them.
Peace is obviously better than violence, and whatever happens, it seems highly unlikely that either IRA or Loyalist paramilitaries will take up their guns again. The Northern Irish economy is rattling along, admittedly helped by huge subsidies paid for by English taxpayers.
Anything must be better than bombing and killing and maiming.
But it does not follow from this that we should welcome the new settlement without reservation, as much of the media is doing. A heavy price has been paid for this outcome by Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and mainland Britain.
Northern Ireland is now being governed by extremists or former terrorists.
The moderate SDLP (the nationalist, Catholic party) and the moderate Ulster Unionist Party (their Protestant counterparts) have been squeezed out and marginalised by Sinn Fein/IRA and by Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party.
Perhaps there is honour among thieves, and the two extremist parties may rub along together.
But none of us would want to be ruled by such politicians, and I don't at all envy the people of Northern Ireland.
Then there is the effect on the Republic of Ireland, where there will be a general election on May 23.
Sinn Fein's emergence as a major force in Northern Ireland, seemingly embracing democratic politics and turning its back on violence, has led to its renaissance in the Republic, where it could conceivably end up holding the balance of power.
A socialist party with an unsavoury past and alleged criminal connections is the last thing the Republic of Ireland needs.
Peter Mandelson, the former Northern Ireland Secretary, recently admitted that Tony Blair gave in to "excessive and unreasonable" demands from Sinn Fein.
There is no doubt that Sinn Fein has been the main beneficiary of the 'peace process' - even more than Paisley's DUP - since its power has increased enormously, not only in Northern Ireland but in the Republic.
Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein, is now a major figure in the Republic's politics. This is the man who was accused by Ed Moloney, an authoritative Dublin-based journalist, of setting up the IRA unit which murdered and clandestinely buried at least nine people in the Seventies - the so-called 'Disappeared'.
Among the crimes laid at Mr Adams's door is the killing of Jean McConville, allegedly an informer to the security services. Mr Moloney suggests that Mr Adams must have ordered, or at the very least approved, her murder. What a nice chap he must be.
Yet it is in mainland Britain itself that the worst consequences of the settlement may be felt. Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, 448 prisoners have been released early, of whom 242 were classified as Republican and 157 as Loyalist. Many of these were bloodthirsty and ruthless killers.
Take the Republican Patrick Magee, who in 1984 blew up the Grand Hotel in Brighton, killing five people and maiming others, including Margaret Tebbit, the wife of Lord Tebbit, who remains dreadfully incapacitated.
Magee was also found guilty of plotting to plant 16 bombs at other British seaside resorts. At his trial in 1985, he was sentenced to life in prison, with the judge recommending that he serve a minimum of 35 years.
In the event, he was let out in 1999 under the Good Friday agreement after 13 years.
Perhaps one could accept even this if Magee and hundreds of others in his position were prepared to express regret for what they have done.
But he has said that he would be prepared to do the same again, and on an appearance last week on the BBC's Radio Four, which I found almost unendurable, he again refused to apologise.
He and his ilk regard themselves as participants in a justifiable war, whose activities forced the British Government to the negotiating table.
This is painful enough for those of us who believe in justice, and who remember the 651 British soldiers and 302 police officers who were murdered, almost all of them by the Provisional IRA, and the 2,359 civilians who died, the majority of whom were also killed by the IRA. But it is worse than painful. It is also dangerous.
If I were an Islamic bomber planning an attack in this country, I could hardly fail to be impressed by the leniency with which a previous generation of terrorists has been treated.
If you can attempt to blow up the Prime Minister of Great Britain and the Cabinet, and kill five people in the process, and still be let out after 13 years without having to express a modicum of regret, the prospective Islamic terrorist may reasonably conclude that, if he is caught, at some stage not too far down the line he may be released and welcomed into the fold.
The lesson I would draw as a Muslim fanatic is that when the Government says that it will never deal with terrorists, it is not telling the truth.
Adams and McGuinness may no longer be killers, but they were in charge of an organisation responsible for the deaths of hundreds of civilians, and there is good reason to believe that in some cases they were personally involved.
And yet McGuinness is now the deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, and Adams a major political figure through the island of Ireland.
All this would give me cause to hope, if I were an Islamic extremist, that one day the Government that abominates me, or at least its successors, might deal with me regardless of the number of people I have killed.
Conversely, if I were a police officer risking my life against terrorists, I would be unable to forget those colleagues and British soldiers who died in Northern Ireland fighting murderers who have now been rehabilitated, some now being ministers of the Crown.
Maybe the 'peace process' was worth it. Yes, it probably was. Anything but violence. But it has come at a terrible cost.
And amid all the laughter and joshing and backslapping, not to mention the talk about Tony Blair's glorious legacy, we should not forget that much of that cost is yet to be paid.
dailymail.co.uk
The War killed 953 British soldiers and policemen and 2,359 civilians.....
Forgive me if I don't join in this great Ulster backslapping bonanza
10th May 2007
Daily Mail
Stephen Glover
The Republican: Murderer Martin McGuinness (former commander of the IRA) now has a seat in Westminster as the co-leader of Northern Ireland, along with his Loyalist enemy Ian Paisley
The Loyalist: The Rev Ian Paisley, who fought for Northern Ireland to remain as part of Britain, detests Catholics. As the other leader of Northern Ireland, along with his former enemy McGuinness (it's a powersharing government that the province has), he has a seat in Westminster
The new powersharing government set up in Northern Ireland has been greeted with rapture in much of the Press and by the BBC.
We have been told that Republican and Loyalist former extremists have come together in some sort of miraculous marriage. There has been little adverse comment.
I must say that the photographs of Dr Paisley, the new First Minister, and Martin McGuinness, his deputy, joshing and laughing together made me decidedly queasy.
Paisley, an arch-Loyalist (the Loyalists are the allies of the British), has been a bigot, as well as a crude and destructive critic of Roman Catholicism. The only good thing that can be said about him is that he has never openly espoused violence, though he has come close to it.
McGuinness (Republican) is even worse - he is a murderer, according to the former Tory Minister Peter Lilley, who has alleged in the House of Commons that Mr McGuinness once told him that he had 12 Catholic informers killed in Northern Ireland.
McGuinness appeared in a Dublin court in 1973, after having been found close to a car filled with 250lb of explosives and 5,000 rounds of ammunition.
He is a former commander of the Provisional IRA.
Of course, I understand the arguments in favour of the settlement in Northern Ireland, and to a large extent I accept them.
Peace is obviously better than violence, and whatever happens, it seems highly unlikely that either IRA or Loyalist paramilitaries will take up their guns again. The Northern Irish economy is rattling along, admittedly helped by huge subsidies paid for by English taxpayers.
Anything must be better than bombing and killing and maiming.
But it does not follow from this that we should welcome the new settlement without reservation, as much of the media is doing. A heavy price has been paid for this outcome by Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and mainland Britain.
Northern Ireland is now being governed by extremists or former terrorists.
The moderate SDLP (the nationalist, Catholic party) and the moderate Ulster Unionist Party (their Protestant counterparts) have been squeezed out and marginalised by Sinn Fein/IRA and by Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party.
Perhaps there is honour among thieves, and the two extremist parties may rub along together.
But none of us would want to be ruled by such politicians, and I don't at all envy the people of Northern Ireland.
Then there is the effect on the Republic of Ireland, where there will be a general election on May 23.
Sinn Fein's emergence as a major force in Northern Ireland, seemingly embracing democratic politics and turning its back on violence, has led to its renaissance in the Republic, where it could conceivably end up holding the balance of power.
A socialist party with an unsavoury past and alleged criminal connections is the last thing the Republic of Ireland needs.
Peter Mandelson, the former Northern Ireland Secretary, recently admitted that Tony Blair gave in to "excessive and unreasonable" demands from Sinn Fein.
There is no doubt that Sinn Fein has been the main beneficiary of the 'peace process' - even more than Paisley's DUP - since its power has increased enormously, not only in Northern Ireland but in the Republic.
Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein, is now a major figure in the Republic's politics. This is the man who was accused by Ed Moloney, an authoritative Dublin-based journalist, of setting up the IRA unit which murdered and clandestinely buried at least nine people in the Seventies - the so-called 'Disappeared'.
Among the crimes laid at Mr Adams's door is the killing of Jean McConville, allegedly an informer to the security services. Mr Moloney suggests that Mr Adams must have ordered, or at the very least approved, her murder. What a nice chap he must be.
Yet it is in mainland Britain itself that the worst consequences of the settlement may be felt. Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, 448 prisoners have been released early, of whom 242 were classified as Republican and 157 as Loyalist. Many of these were bloodthirsty and ruthless killers.
Take the Republican Patrick Magee, who in 1984 blew up the Grand Hotel in Brighton, killing five people and maiming others, including Margaret Tebbit, the wife of Lord Tebbit, who remains dreadfully incapacitated.
Magee was also found guilty of plotting to plant 16 bombs at other British seaside resorts. At his trial in 1985, he was sentenced to life in prison, with the judge recommending that he serve a minimum of 35 years.
In the event, he was let out in 1999 under the Good Friday agreement after 13 years.
Perhaps one could accept even this if Magee and hundreds of others in his position were prepared to express regret for what they have done.
But he has said that he would be prepared to do the same again, and on an appearance last week on the BBC's Radio Four, which I found almost unendurable, he again refused to apologise.
He and his ilk regard themselves as participants in a justifiable war, whose activities forced the British Government to the negotiating table.
This is painful enough for those of us who believe in justice, and who remember the 651 British soldiers and 302 police officers who were murdered, almost all of them by the Provisional IRA, and the 2,359 civilians who died, the majority of whom were also killed by the IRA. But it is worse than painful. It is also dangerous.
If I were an Islamic bomber planning an attack in this country, I could hardly fail to be impressed by the leniency with which a previous generation of terrorists has been treated.
If you can attempt to blow up the Prime Minister of Great Britain and the Cabinet, and kill five people in the process, and still be let out after 13 years without having to express a modicum of regret, the prospective Islamic terrorist may reasonably conclude that, if he is caught, at some stage not too far down the line he may be released and welcomed into the fold.
The lesson I would draw as a Muslim fanatic is that when the Government says that it will never deal with terrorists, it is not telling the truth.
Adams and McGuinness may no longer be killers, but they were in charge of an organisation responsible for the deaths of hundreds of civilians, and there is good reason to believe that in some cases they were personally involved.
And yet McGuinness is now the deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, and Adams a major political figure through the island of Ireland.
All this would give me cause to hope, if I were an Islamic extremist, that one day the Government that abominates me, or at least its successors, might deal with me regardless of the number of people I have killed.
Conversely, if I were a police officer risking my life against terrorists, I would be unable to forget those colleagues and British soldiers who died in Northern Ireland fighting murderers who have now been rehabilitated, some now being ministers of the Crown.
Maybe the 'peace process' was worth it. Yes, it probably was. Anything but violence. But it has come at a terrible cost.
And amid all the laughter and joshing and backslapping, not to mention the talk about Tony Blair's glorious legacy, we should not forget that much of that cost is yet to be paid.
dailymail.co.uk
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