Understanding Turkish President Recep Erdoğan's Rise To Power

tay

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Erdoğan began his ascent to power as a social reformer in opposition to the power elite; he was a rabble-rouser for popular Islam and social welfare. Once he takes political power he enriches his family and the business elite and purges adversaries and rivals.

With political power and economic connections, he amasses personal wealth through illicit business transactions.

With political power and personal wealth, he seeks prestige and status among the Western elites by serving imperial interests:

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has a long and ignoble history of betraying political associates, trading partners and military allies; of pledging friendship and then bombing his ‘friends’ and murdering citizens; of negotiating ‘in good faith’ and then killing rivals; of playing democrat then behaving like an ordinary demagogic dictator.

Erdoğan appeals to the plebian and austere values of the Anatolian provincial petty bourgeoisie, while building the largest luxurious presidential palace in the world – fit for a 21st century Pasha. He repeatedly pronounces his fealty to the ‘Turkish Nation’, while he robs the Turkish treasury by repeatedly accepting bribes and pay-offs from building contractors who then double charge for publically-funded projects.

More recently, Erdogan claims to oppose terrorism and fight ISIS, while the major Turkish and regional newspapers, journalists and most domestic observers document the massive flow of illegal arms across the Turkish-Syrian border to ISIS terrorists.

Erdoğan supports ISIS by bombing the Syrian Kurdish fighters who resist the jihadi mercenaries; by shooting down a Russian military jet defending the Damascus government against the terrorists; by smuggling and selling oil which ISIS had stolen from Iraq and Syria; by providing medical assistance to wounded ISIS fighters; and by training and arming ISIS terrorists in Turkish bases.

There is a reciprocal relationship: Erdoğan uses ISIS operatives to terrorize his own domestic opposition, including terror bombing a gathering of Kurdish ‘socialist youth’ in the town of Suruç on July 20, 2015, which killed 33 and the massive bombing in Ankara on October 10 of a ‘peace and justice’ march, which killed over 100, targeting trade unionists, leaders of professional associations, community activists and members of a democratic Kurdish electoral party and wounded many hundreds.

During the legislative election of 2015 ISIS terrorists and thugs from Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) attacked the offices, meetings and candidates of the opposition parties, especially of the Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP), to ensure that Erdoğan secured a super-majority.

Erdoğan has a decade-long strategic alliance with the militant Wahhabi terrorists who now make up ISIS. He intends to ‘remake’ the map of the Middle East to serve his own expansionist ambitions. In part this explains why Erdoğan has provided large-scale arms and material to the terrorists, trained thousands of mercenaries and provided medical aid to wounded ISIS fighters. It also explains why Erdoğan took the unprecedented and extremely provocative step of shooting down a Russian military jet over Syrian territory, which had been bombing Erdoğan’s ISIS allies. Russian and Syrian Army successes against ISIS have threatened his ambitions.

Erdoğan’s transformation from ‘Muslim democrat’ to bloody authoritarian Islamist ruler with pretensions of becoming the dominant Middle Eastern Pasha has to be seen in light of his rise to power over the past 40 years.

Erdoğan, early on, showed his affinity for extremist Islamist politics. In the 1970’s he was head of the youth branch of the Islamist Salvation Party (MSP), a virulent anti-communist, anti-secular party committed to converting Turkey, a huge multi-ethnic secular state, into a theocratic regime (along the lines of contemporary ISIS).

After the military coup of 1980 the MSP was dissolved and reappeared as the Welfare Party. Erdoğan became a leader of the new (re-named) Islamist party.

Erdoğan allied with the pro-US Islamist leader Fethullah Gülen’s Hizmet or Cemaat Movement, which was influential within the judicial system, police and army. Together they launched a purge against secular military and judicial officials, journalists and media critics.

The Erdoğan-Gülenist state apparatus arrested and jailed 300 secular military officers, judges and journalists and replaced them with Erdoğan and Gülen loyalists – all Islamists.

Dubbed “Operation Sledgehammer” the entire purge was based on fabricated charges of treason and conspiracy. Yet it was described by the Western media in terms that flattered Erdoğan’s democratic credentials, calling it an ‘effort to consolidate democracy’ against the military.

It had nothing to do with democracy: The purge consolidated Erdoğan’s personal power and allowed him to pursue policies that were more overtly neo-liberal and Islamist. The purge of the judiciary further allowed Erdoğan to enrich crony capitalists and family
members.

Erdoğan’s combination of Islam with brutal neo-liberalism attracted support from Brussels, Wall Street and the City of London. Large inflows of speculative foreign capital temporarily inflated Turkey’s GNP and Erdoğan’s wealth and ego!

In the beginning of his rule Erdoğan’s concessions, tax incentives, government contracts to big capital were broadly distributed to most sectors, but especially to his crony capitalists within the construction and real estate sectors.

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https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/recep-tayyip-erdoan-portrait-of-a-backstabbing-pasha
 

tay

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Turkey's 'March for Justice': opposition calls for unity, reform


Twenty-five days and 450 kilometers (280 miles) after starting a march for justice in Ankara, Turkey's capital city, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, head of the Republican People's Party (CHP), called for unity among the country's opposition groups at a rally attended by more than 1.5 million disenchanted Turks in Istanbul.

Kilicdaroglu spoke at the march's end point, near Maltepe prison where one of his party's deputies is being held after receiving a 25-year jail sentence for allegedly leaking photos showing Turkish intelligence was shipping weapons to Syria. Tens of thousands of people joined Kilicdaroglu at the event, and throughout the march.

Though the ruling served as a catalyst for the march, which has since become the largest protest against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's post-coup purges, Kilicdaroglu told DW it was only the last straw that broke the proverbial camel's back, and that he was protesting against the countless injustices perpetrated on Turkish citizens under the government's ongoing crackdown on perceived dissent.

Why did we march?" Kilicdaroglu said while addressing the rally. "We walked for the non-existent justice. We walked for the rights of the oppressed, for the imprisoned lawmakers, the jailed journalists... We walked for the academics who were thrown out of universities."

The challenge now, Kilicdaroglu said, is to forge an alliance between Erdogan's opponents spanning religious, ethnical and political ideologies that have long divided Turkey's left. He says he does not expect the task to be easy, but after leading a march that drew up to 50,000 followers in its final days, Kilicdaroglu said it was his duty be the opposition's voice after this spring's constitutional referendum, which consolidated governmental powers under Erdogan's presidency amid allegations of voter fraud.

Ihsan Eliacik, a progressive Islamic scholar, said the role of religion could no longer be ignored in Turkish politics, and that segments of the nation's opposition would need to recalibrate their rapport with pious voters – many of whom are not necessarily conservative. In his recent talks with Kilicdaroglu, Eliacik said he noted significant changes in the CHP leader.

"[Kilicdaroglu] is experiencing a personal renaissance," Eliacik said. "When I see him, he is always full of new ideas and I'm sure he'll have an action plan soon."

"It will take a long time for secular and religious people to understand each other," he continued. "Right now, we are leaving seeds and I hope they will blossom some day."

Turkey


 

Johnnny

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Erdogan is going beast mode in a bad way and it hardly makes the news and no one cares because we are too busying laughing at pictures of Trump sitting alone at the G20.
 

TenPenny

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Erdoğan began his ascent to power as a social reformer in opposition to the power elite; he was a rabble-rouser for popular Islam and social welfare. Once he takes political power he enriches his family and the business elite and purges adversaries and rivals.



Kinda exactly like how Trump got elected by pretending to be in opposition to the power elite, until he took office. Not sure why anyone fell for that act.