Why do we ignore no-to-low-cost strategies to promote reconciliation with Canada's indigenous peoples?
With on-reserve schools being funded from $2,000 to $3,000 less per child than comparable off-reserve schools, many indigenous children speaking a mother tongue that is fundamentally different than the English and French languages of instruction of many schools, and the indigenous adult functional literacy rate in neither official language hovering at around 60% (about 10% more than the Canadian average, which should come as no surprise given the underfunding and the linguistic differences), there is no doubt that increasing funding for on-reserve education is a moral obligation, especially given the attempted cultural genocide that indigenous peoples have had to endure over a period of over a century.
That said, while candidates are promising increased funding for indigenous education, it appears that they ignore no-to-low-cost strategies as if such strategies are mutually incompatible with the higher-cost ones that they are proposing, when in reality they could complement and enhance the higher-cost strategies. It would require very little imagination for those with an open mind to come up with such strategies.
No local candidate appears to have seriously explored what some linguists refer to as "the paradoxical advantages of official monolingualism." For example, setting the excesses of Quebec's Charter of the French Language aside for a moment, a Quebec-Sign-Language-French bilingual, an Algonquin-French bilingual, a Chinese-French bilingual, and an English-French bilingual all have the same chance, all other qualifications being equal, of accessing employment in the Government of Quebec or even to become the premiere of Quebec. The English-French bilingual would have a clear advantage over the others in accessing employment in the Federal Government, including the position of Prime Minister, even if he is somewhat less qualified. This also puts indigenous, English, and other Quebecers (except French Quebecers) on a more equal footing in their need to learn a common second language and makes it more likely that someone seeking services from the Government of Quebec will encounter a civil servant who speaks a sign-language, the local indigenous language, or another unofficial language than someone seeking services from the Government of Canada; and it could save the Government of Canada money in English and French language education for civil servants. Why doesn't any Federal candidate seem to be exploring the possibility of allowing local Federal Government offices to work monolingually in the local dominant official language so as to make employment (and consequently services) at these offices more accessible to members of unofficial-language communities?
No local candidate seems to have seriously explored the possibility of introducing an electronic media voucher programme. At present, the CBC functions almost exclusively in English and French in spite of the fact that Deaf, indigenous, and other taxpayers are funding it too. A voucher programme would allow any resident of Canada (let's say over the age of fifteen) to opt out of CBC funding in favour of a common media voucher worth that resident's portion of public media funding that that resident could use towards subscription to media in a language of that resident's choice (possibly with the exception of Esperanto given the prejudices against it).
Recognizing that Esperanto-speakers pay taxes too, and that unlike many English and French Canadians, members of Deaf, indigenous, and other unofficial linguistic communities don't necessarily confine their cultural boundaries to Canada's borders, an Esperanto media voucher could also be made available but with stricter rules governing it, namely that:
1. It would be exempted from Canadian Content rules;
2. Participating media organizations could divide voucher funding between text, audio, and video media at their discretion;
3. Though religious NGO's could participate, any flagrant violation of the principle of journalistic objectivity could cost participating media the right to participate in the programme for five years; and
4. Any funding towards text or audio media would be at ten twentieths towards the local indigenous language, nine twentieths towards any unofficial language (which could include or comprise the local indigenous language) except Esperanto, and one twentieth towards Esperanto; and any funding towards video media at ten twentieths towards a sign language, five twentieths towards the local indigenous language, four twentieths towards any unofficial language ( which could include or comprise a sign language or the local indigenous language ) except Esperanto, and one twentieth towards Esperanto.
Such a policy would open more employment opportunities in sign languages, the local indigenous language, and other unofficial languages and make more media available in these languages too; and would not cost the Government any extra money since the Government would still decide how much overall funding to earmark to public media, residents deciding only how that funding is to be spent within a freer linguistic market that would be more inclusive of unofficial linguistic communities.
No local candidate has seriously explored the possibility of allowing more language options in Canada's packaging and labeling laws. At present, not only do English-French bilinguals have the advantage in accessing employment in the packaging and labeling industries, but English and French monolinguals also enjoy an advantage over indigenous and other unofficial linguistic communities in accessing products so labelled.
Canada could allow the indigenous language of the location in which the product is packaged and labelled to replace either English or French. This could save indigenous businesses money in packaging and labeling costs by allowing them to do the translation themselves rather than contracting out to English and French businesses. It would also make it easier for indigenous Canadians to access the information on the packaging, especially given the statistically high rate of functional literacy in neither official language among Canada's indigenous peoples.
Canada could also promote a common packaging and labeling market with other states whereby packaging and labeling in at least two languages including the indigenous language of the location in which the product is packaged and labeled appearing anywhere but last, Esperanto appearing last, and all languages being printed in the same size would be able to fulfil the linguistic requirements of the packaging and labeling laws of all member states.
Given that many foreign products are sold only at specialty shops at which mostly members of one linguistic community shop, this could reduce packaging and labeling costs for such products which could then be passed on to consumers while also showing solidarity with the world's indigenous peoples. The fact that a phonetic orthography is easier for a deaf person to learn to pronounce and a dyslexic to read and that Esperanto (which uses a phonetic orthography) is from five to ten times easier to learn than English, at least as grammatically precise as French, and the third most common foreign language in Hungarian schools after English and German followed by French as the fourth makes it an ideal alternative packaging and labeling language for an internationally trading state like Canada especially with its adult functional illiteracy rate in the official languages hovering so high. This policy would open Canada's import market to a wider range of products which would in turn give Canadians more choice in the consumer market. Since the businesses themselves would choose which of these packaging and labeling language policies to adopt according to the free market and would be responsible to pay for it, this would cost the Government nothing while increasing indigenous peoples' access to more employment and products in their languages.
Gradually abandoning the notion of "two founding races" and policies such as official bilingualism that have been raised on its foundation in favour of a more multilingual language policy as Preston Manning, Scott Reid, and others have proposed would go far towards promoting reconciliation with Canada's indigenous peoples.
I'm sure a little brainstorming could produce yet more no-to-low-cost strategies to promote reconciliation, not to replace the higher-cost ones, but rather to complement them so as to significantly enhance their degree of efficiency.
With on-reserve schools being funded from $2,000 to $3,000 less per child than comparable off-reserve schools, many indigenous children speaking a mother tongue that is fundamentally different than the English and French languages of instruction of many schools, and the indigenous adult functional literacy rate in neither official language hovering at around 60% (about 10% more than the Canadian average, which should come as no surprise given the underfunding and the linguistic differences), there is no doubt that increasing funding for on-reserve education is a moral obligation, especially given the attempted cultural genocide that indigenous peoples have had to endure over a period of over a century.
That said, while candidates are promising increased funding for indigenous education, it appears that they ignore no-to-low-cost strategies as if such strategies are mutually incompatible with the higher-cost ones that they are proposing, when in reality they could complement and enhance the higher-cost strategies. It would require very little imagination for those with an open mind to come up with such strategies.
No local candidate appears to have seriously explored what some linguists refer to as "the paradoxical advantages of official monolingualism." For example, setting the excesses of Quebec's Charter of the French Language aside for a moment, a Quebec-Sign-Language-French bilingual, an Algonquin-French bilingual, a Chinese-French bilingual, and an English-French bilingual all have the same chance, all other qualifications being equal, of accessing employment in the Government of Quebec or even to become the premiere of Quebec. The English-French bilingual would have a clear advantage over the others in accessing employment in the Federal Government, including the position of Prime Minister, even if he is somewhat less qualified. This also puts indigenous, English, and other Quebecers (except French Quebecers) on a more equal footing in their need to learn a common second language and makes it more likely that someone seeking services from the Government of Quebec will encounter a civil servant who speaks a sign-language, the local indigenous language, or another unofficial language than someone seeking services from the Government of Canada; and it could save the Government of Canada money in English and French language education for civil servants. Why doesn't any Federal candidate seem to be exploring the possibility of allowing local Federal Government offices to work monolingually in the local dominant official language so as to make employment (and consequently services) at these offices more accessible to members of unofficial-language communities?
No local candidate seems to have seriously explored the possibility of introducing an electronic media voucher programme. At present, the CBC functions almost exclusively in English and French in spite of the fact that Deaf, indigenous, and other taxpayers are funding it too. A voucher programme would allow any resident of Canada (let's say over the age of fifteen) to opt out of CBC funding in favour of a common media voucher worth that resident's portion of public media funding that that resident could use towards subscription to media in a language of that resident's choice (possibly with the exception of Esperanto given the prejudices against it).
Recognizing that Esperanto-speakers pay taxes too, and that unlike many English and French Canadians, members of Deaf, indigenous, and other unofficial linguistic communities don't necessarily confine their cultural boundaries to Canada's borders, an Esperanto media voucher could also be made available but with stricter rules governing it, namely that:
1. It would be exempted from Canadian Content rules;
2. Participating media organizations could divide voucher funding between text, audio, and video media at their discretion;
3. Though religious NGO's could participate, any flagrant violation of the principle of journalistic objectivity could cost participating media the right to participate in the programme for five years; and
4. Any funding towards text or audio media would be at ten twentieths towards the local indigenous language, nine twentieths towards any unofficial language (which could include or comprise the local indigenous language) except Esperanto, and one twentieth towards Esperanto; and any funding towards video media at ten twentieths towards a sign language, five twentieths towards the local indigenous language, four twentieths towards any unofficial language ( which could include or comprise a sign language or the local indigenous language ) except Esperanto, and one twentieth towards Esperanto.
Such a policy would open more employment opportunities in sign languages, the local indigenous language, and other unofficial languages and make more media available in these languages too; and would not cost the Government any extra money since the Government would still decide how much overall funding to earmark to public media, residents deciding only how that funding is to be spent within a freer linguistic market that would be more inclusive of unofficial linguistic communities.
No local candidate has seriously explored the possibility of allowing more language options in Canada's packaging and labeling laws. At present, not only do English-French bilinguals have the advantage in accessing employment in the packaging and labeling industries, but English and French monolinguals also enjoy an advantage over indigenous and other unofficial linguistic communities in accessing products so labelled.
Canada could allow the indigenous language of the location in which the product is packaged and labelled to replace either English or French. This could save indigenous businesses money in packaging and labeling costs by allowing them to do the translation themselves rather than contracting out to English and French businesses. It would also make it easier for indigenous Canadians to access the information on the packaging, especially given the statistically high rate of functional literacy in neither official language among Canada's indigenous peoples.
Canada could also promote a common packaging and labeling market with other states whereby packaging and labeling in at least two languages including the indigenous language of the location in which the product is packaged and labeled appearing anywhere but last, Esperanto appearing last, and all languages being printed in the same size would be able to fulfil the linguistic requirements of the packaging and labeling laws of all member states.
Given that many foreign products are sold only at specialty shops at which mostly members of one linguistic community shop, this could reduce packaging and labeling costs for such products which could then be passed on to consumers while also showing solidarity with the world's indigenous peoples. The fact that a phonetic orthography is easier for a deaf person to learn to pronounce and a dyslexic to read and that Esperanto (which uses a phonetic orthography) is from five to ten times easier to learn than English, at least as grammatically precise as French, and the third most common foreign language in Hungarian schools after English and German followed by French as the fourth makes it an ideal alternative packaging and labeling language for an internationally trading state like Canada especially with its adult functional illiteracy rate in the official languages hovering so high. This policy would open Canada's import market to a wider range of products which would in turn give Canadians more choice in the consumer market. Since the businesses themselves would choose which of these packaging and labeling language policies to adopt according to the free market and would be responsible to pay for it, this would cost the Government nothing while increasing indigenous peoples' access to more employment and products in their languages.
Gradually abandoning the notion of "two founding races" and policies such as official bilingualism that have been raised on its foundation in favour of a more multilingual language policy as Preston Manning, Scott Reid, and others have proposed would go far towards promoting reconciliation with Canada's indigenous peoples.
I'm sure a little brainstorming could produce yet more no-to-low-cost strategies to promote reconciliation, not to replace the higher-cost ones, but rather to complement them so as to significantly enhance their degree of efficiency.
